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Posts Tagged ‘Côte d’Ivoire’

Violence against journalists condemned by UNOCI

Posted by African Press International on November 22, 2013

ABIDJAN, Côte d’Ivoire, November 20, 2013/African Press Organization (APO)/ – The Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General for Côte d’Ivoire and Head of the United Nations Operation in Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI), Mrs Aïchatou Mindaoudou, condemns the attack against Mr. Désiré Gnonsiohoué of Tomorrow Magazine, on 14 November 2013, which resulted in his death. UNOCI presents its condolences to the victim’s family, the Magazine, and the corporation of journalists in Côte d’Ivoire.

UNOCI expresses concern and condemns the kidnapping of Mr. Dieusmonde Tadé, a journalist with the daily newspaper, Le Nouveau Réveil, between 18 and 19 November 2013.

UNOCI urges the competent authorities to take all necessary measures to ensure that those who carried these acts be identified and brought to justice.

UNOCI appeals to all those concerned to work to ensure freedom of information and expression, as well as the right to be informed through a free and plural press.



Mission of UN in Côte d’Ivoire

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Settling in for the long haul: PTP camp in eastern Liberia, home to 12,000 Ivoirian refugees

Posted by African Press International on June 28, 2013

PTP camp in eastern Liberia, home to 12,000 Ivoirian refugees

ZWEDRU, 25 June 2013 (IRIN) – Though Côte d’Ivoire has officially been at peace for over two years, many of the nearly 60,000 refugees who remain in Liberia are settling in for the long haul, citing continuing instability, violence and fear of political persecution in their home country. Indeed, two years after the end of the conflict, camps like PTP, near Zwedru in eastern Liberia, are still growing.

At 3am on the 21 March 2011 rebel fighters affiliated with the current Ivoirian president, Alassane Ouattara, overran the town of Blolequin in western Côte d’Ivoire. Among the thousands who fled in the early hours of the morning, most with little more than the clothes they were wearing, was Gibao Jerome. His younger brother was killed during the escape as he and his family trekked for two weeks through the forest to become refugees in eastern Liberia. Two years on, they have no intention of returning home.

“This is my house, number B3-1,” said Gibao, gesturing to a small structure of mud, sticks and tarpaulin in the monotonous grid of PTP camp (formerly the Prime Timber Production company). Once a simple white tent provided by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), Gibao’s house is slowly becoming a home. Piles of construction materials lie in a small extension at the front, as he talks of his plans to shore up the building.

The problem, Gibao told IRIN, is that western Côte d’Ivoire remains unsafefor supporters of ex-president Laurent Gbagbo – who awaits trial by the International Criminal Court in the Hague – or anyone from the Guéré ethnic group, among others. He and many other refugees cite post-conflict justice as having been one-sided, and he points out that instead of disarming the rebel forces, many of them (also responsible for atrocities in the west of the country) now effectively form the national army.

“When you go back, they will say “this man voted for Gbagbo’,” said Tahr, another refugee who fled the March 2011 attack on Blolequin. His neighbours chip in with stories of returnees who were imprisoned or killed by `the Burkinabés’, as the alliance of northern pro-Ouattara groups are generically known by the Guéré.

Underlying the animosity is the long-running conflict over land. Post-independence president Félix Houphouët-Boigny, during his three decades in power, promoted a policy of inclusion, encouraging migrant workers to Côte d’Ivoire’s rich cocoa plantations. After his death in 1993, successive regimes have used ethnicity as a political tool, stirring up ethnic rivalries and igniting underlying tensions.

“The Burkinabés have guns, and when they see you they get rid of you to take your land,” said Gibao, whose wife, Victoire, said her farm was taken away from her. Many feel that members of the northern and migrant groups used the conflict to drive away local landowners and take over their properties.

Burkinabés have lived in Côte d’Ivoire for many generations, yet are still treated by many Ivoirians as outsiders. Some 100,000 Burkinabés in Côte d’Ivoire were pushed off their land and fled the post-election violence in 2010-2011.

Looking forward

Repatriations are continuing, but slowly. All that they can hope for, say many of the remaining refugees, is that Ouattara loses the next general election in 2015. With this mindset, the refugee camps in eastern Liberia are slowly morphing into more permanent settlements.

Lisa Quarshie, a UNHCR protection officer, sees PTP camp becoming more entrenched.

“More and more people are daubing their houses with mud, and we’re hoping to be able to get more resources to even give zinc sheeting for the shelters.” UNHCR is also looking to increase efforts to create livelihoods in the camp, while basic services like schools have shifted from cramped tents to smartly painted concrete buildings. The refugees also have access to an on-site health clinic.

Bahi Martine spent two weeks trudging through the forest to get to Liberia. Her brother was shot in the leg as they escaped, and four of those they travelled with were killed. For two weeks – without access to clean water – she made her children drink urine to survive. Now she has invested in a small restaurant at the front of her shelter in PTP camp, serving rice and cassava-leaf sauce to refugees on elaborate bamboo tables and benches.

“I will never return to Côte d’Ivoire,” she said. Another woman has started to make a living selling doughnuts to the refugees; while in a separate camp, UNHCR has supported the creation of a snail farming business. Across eastern Liberia, refugees are putting down roots and investing in their new lives.

“You can’t keep people in limbo,” Quarshie told IRIN. “The least that we can do is to make sure that they have a dignified life here.”

From communities to camps

One of the reasons the camp is growing is due to a Liberian government policy of encouraging refugees living with local communities to move into the camps. Initially, this was to help centralize services given to refugees who were scattered across the remote villages of eastern Liberia.

At the UN office in Zwedru, Quarshie notes that the policy has its downside. “It’s always better to live in communities, in the sense that you integrate faster… If you’re in a community and you’re not getting food from WFP, you’re most likely going to find a piece of land and try and do some farming and feed yourself or your family. If you’re in a camp. you then might become very dependent on food handouts. I think it has its advantages and it has its disadvantages – personal and physical security is better monitored than when you’re in a community,” she said.

Wonsea Norbert is chairman of the Ivoirian refugees living in a mixed refugee and local population in Toe Town, near the border with Côte d’Ivoire. He said the refugees in the town are split on how to proceed. Living without any assistance has been tough, but Norbert says it is still better than moving to a camp.

“We like to work on our own. In the camp you are tied – you cannot work,” he said. Relationships with the local community are cordial. Some Toe Town residents, like Fasu Keita, were themselves hosted during Liberia’s own conflict by the same Ivoirian families now residing in the town – and there is plenty of work to do. But without farming tools and a little seed-rice, they find it impossible to support themselves: the UN has stopped providing support to refugees who opted to stay in local communities.

“They like to work on the farm for themselves,” said Norbert. “But we have had no support. We can’t support ourselves here.” Despite the fear of reprisals in Côte d’Ivoire, some refugees in the town are now going home, preferring insecurity to the restrictions of camp life.

Security concerns

“It was also the issue of security,” said UNHCR’s Quarshie. Amid continuing insecurity along Liberia’s porous border with Côte d’Ivoire, ex-combatants now living in Liberia are seen as a potentially destabilizing force if allowed to roam freely in the settlements near the border.

There are also concerns that the camps themselves, with their politically and ethnically homogenous populations of refugees, and the presence of ex-combatants, could become breeding grounds for anti-government movements. “As much as we are concerned, we do not expect that we have fighters in the camp. We may have ex-combatants. But as the name goes, they are ex-combatants. Yes, it could create problems if it’s not properly managed, but I feel that so far it’s been managed quite well,” said Quarshie.

None of the refugees spoken to by IRIN favoured the overthrow of Ouattara. Rather, with quiet resignation they look to settle into life in Liberia, and cross their fingers for the 2015 elections. “Until they are all gone,” said Gibao “I can never go back.”

tt/aj/cb  source

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Ivory Coast case at the ICC: Laurent Gbagbo case

Posted by African Press International on June 5, 2013

On Monday, 3 June 2013, Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (ICC) adjourned the hearing on the confirmation of charges in the case of The Prosecutor v. Laurent Gbagbo and requested the Prosecutor to consider providing further evidence or conducting further investigation on certain points.

Ivory Coast, which was not party to the Rome Statute at the time, had accepted the jurisdiction of the ICC on 18 April 2003; more recently, and on both 14 December 2010 and 3 May 2011, the Presidency of Ivory Coast reconfirmed the country’s acceptance of this jurisdiction. On 3 October 2011, the Pre-Trial Chamber authorised the Prosecutor to open an investigation into the situation in Ivory Coast since 28 November 2010.

On 22 February 2012, Pre-Trial Chamber III decided to expand its authorisation for the investigaion in Ivory Coast to include crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court allegedly committed between 19 September 2002 and 28 November 2010. On 15 February 2013, Ivory Coast ratified the Rome Statute. The confirmation of charges hearing in the case of The Prosecutor v. Laurent Gbagbo took place from 19 to 28 February 2013. On 22 November 2012, Pre-Trial Chamber I unsealed a warrant of arrest against Simone Gbagbo for four charges of crimes against humanity allegedly committed in the territory of Ivory Coast between 16 December 2010 and 12 April 2011.


Source ICC


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A long road ahead for justice in Côte d’Ivoire

Posted by African Press International on May 4, 2013

ABIDJAN,  – Wary of a backlash, Côte d’Ivoire’s government has hesitated to charge its own supporters of crimes committed during the 2010-2011 poll violence, something that has raised doubts about its commitment to impartial justice, say analysts. 

The government’s National Commission of Inquiry into the conflict has accused both the Côte d’Ivoire Republican Forces (FRCI – now part of the army) and fighters loyal to deposed president Laurent Gbagbo, of crimes. It said FRCI was responsible for 727 deaths while Gbagbo’s forces killed 1,452 people.

In June 2011, two months after taking power, President Alassane Ouattara set up the Special Inquiry Unit – a special court – to try violence suspects. Prosecutors have charged more than 150 Gbagbo supporters but just a handful from FRCI.

Analysts argue that this lack of even-handedness is due to Ouattara’s weak grip on the army which is largely made up of fighters who backed him during the poll chaos. Many of the fighters are also loyal to Guillaume Soro, a former rebel leader and now the National Assembly president.

Christophe Kouamé, head of the Ivoirian Civil Society Convention, said the slow pace of justice was because “social divisions are so deep that the president is certainly wary of rekindling conflict.”

“The one-sided approach to accountability is likely due in part to the president’s still tenuous hold over the entire military,” Human Rights Watch (HRW) said in an April report.

“Pursuing justice may prove to be deeply unpopular, including among segments of the population who believe that the forces loyal to President Ouattara who committed serious crimes were justified in doing so,” it added.

Only recently did the government go after its loyalists. In April, the trial of 33 FRCI troops – charged with crimes against the population, including premeditated murder, voluntary and involuntary homicide and theft – opened before a military court in the commercial capital Abidjan. Two soldiers were handed prison sentences on 2 May.

Other moves against FRCI members seem likely following the April exhumation of bodies from 57 mass graves across Abidjan. Thirty-six of those graves, containing the bodies of people killed during the post-election violence, are in the city’s Yopougon District which was a Gbagbo stronghold.

FRCI has also been accused of atrocities in the west. In March, a judge tasked with investigating a July 2012 attack on a camp for the displaced in the west of the country visited the scene to identify mass graves. According to the International Human Rights Federation (FIDH), there are 13 mass graves in 12 different sites containing the bodies of people who were summarily executed during the attack.

HRW West Africa researcher Matt Wells said the trial of the soldiers was “an important step forward in Côte d’Ivoire’s fight against impunity. But the Ivoirian authorities need to also pursue the more sensitive cases involving FRCI for which victims have seen no justice, particularly the grave crimes committed during the post-election crisis.”

A good start?

Observers and rights groups have urged the government to be even-handed in pursuing justice, to avert the threat of unrest. However, achieving equitable justice in Côte d’Ivoire is a long and difficult process, warned Kouamé.

“We should be realistic. Côte d’Ivoire has a long way to go. We are not going to change things in one or two years,” he told IRIN.

“The fact that the government is taking responsibility for the killings committed by the forces that supported it is a good thing. This is a good start.”

To attain fair justice, the government should target foot soldiers and low-level commanders in both the Ouattara and Gbagbo camps, and then work its way through the chain of command, Florent Geel of FIDH’s Africa bureau, told IRIN.

Such an approach would help “build the confidence of the victims in the system and also develop the experience and the expertise of the local judicial authorities to be able to go up the chain of command,” said Param-Preet Singh, senior international justice counsel at HRW.

“We are not asking for perfect justice immediately. Impatience will not help. But there is need for political will to move things forward, as well as concrete and visible proof that things are moving forward,” said Geel, stressing that the government “must demonstrate that people who committed crimes must be made accountable”.

However, another analyst, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the government should instead go after senior commanders in both camps.

“You can’t try every Tom, Dick and Harry,” said the analyst. “The authorities should target top and middle-level people and focus on people that were in a position of command, [involved in] policy-making and financing.”

Transitional justice

More than a decade of violence and instability has heightened impunity and weakened the justice system in Côte d’Ivoire. “Impunity and lack of justice have led many people to conclude that there is no solution other than taking up arms,” said Geel.

Justice Minister Gnenema Coulibaly recently told reporters that the government inherited a dysfunctional justice system and announced a broad plan to reform the sector by 2015.

“A transitional justice process is vital for any country recovering from a situation like Côte d’Ivoire’s to ensure guarantee of non-repetition,” said Mohamed Suma, head of the International Centre for Transitional Justice office in Côte d’Ivoire.

“The risk of not doing anything is too much for the country,” he told IRIN.

In the second half of 2012, Côte d’Ivoire was rocked by a series of attacks targeting army bases, police stations and other targets in Abidjan and elsewhere. The government blamed the deadly raids on Gbagbo supporters exiled in Ghana and Liberia, but they deny responsibility.

In March, at least 14 people were killed in a spate of attacks in the country’s volatile western region where long-standing land and ethnic disputes have repeatedly sparked violence.

Simone Gbagbo

Côte d’Ivoire handed over Gbagbo to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in November 2011 for trial over crimes he allegedly committed during the post-election violence that claimed at least 3,000 lives, but it is yet to surrender Gbagbo’s wife, Simone, despite the court’s arrest warrant issued in November 2012. Simone Gbagbo is charged with crimes against humanity.

The government is concerned that Simone would be able to get in touch with former regime officials if she is out of its hands, a Western observer told IRIN on condition of anonymity.

“The authorities have two options: they can surrender Simone Gbagbo or challenge the admissibility of her case before the ICC. They have done neither,” said HRW’s Singh.

“It is okay to try her in Côte d’Ivoire if she can get a fair trial and if the ICC agrees that the national authorities have the ability to do so, but they have to respond.”

om/ob/cb source


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Calls for the tackling of unrest

Posted by African Press International on April 26, 2013

ABIDJAN,  – After recent attacks in Côte d’Ivoire’s volatile western region in which more than a dozen people were killed, the authorities announced new security measures, but observers say more than a military response is required.

In the latest spate of armed raids in March, at least 14 civilians and soldiers were killed. The region saw some of the worst fighting during the country’s 2010-2011 post-election conflict. In 2012, at least 10 civilians and seven UN peacekeepers were killed. Weeks later gunmen raided and torched the last remaining internally displaced persons (IDP) camp hosting some 5,000 people.

At the start of 2012 there were 186,000 IDPs in Côte d’Ivoire, most of them in the country’s western region. An estimated 45,000 people remained displaced by the end of 2012.

Ethnic rivalries, and disputes over land that are worsened by political rivalry, have turned western Côte d’Ivoire into a tinderbox. Mistrust and enmity have often degenerated into violence. Greater efforts are needed to reconcile communities, restore confidence and address grievances, say observers.

“The government must fully appreciate this problem and bring a lasting solution,” Francis Niangoran, a lecturer at Abidjan’s Sainte-Marie Teaching Institute, told IRIN. “Aid groups are faced with recurrent population displacements, organizing their return, distributing relief aid – it’s a vicious circle.”

While on a visit to the west following the attacks, Interior and Security Minister Hamed Bakayoko announced an emergency security plan to bolster troop numbers, set up attack brigades and equip them with modern radios as well as build an additional police station.

“When you travel across the region, you see ill-equipped soldiers. They don’t even have radios. The telephone network is also unreliable and they cannot use their mobile phones,” said Séraphin Zégnan, who fled the western Petit Guiglo area to the commercial capital Abidjan after an attack in the area in 2012.

Army chief Soumaila Bakayoko, also visiting after the attacks, said a permanent military base would be set up in the region. In 2012, the government formed a 600-strong force to secure the western region. The force is backed by both the UN mission in Côte d’Ivoire and the UN mission in neighbouring Liberia.

“The government has the will to end the instability in the west – only it seems to lack the military capacity to achieve that. The western region is a difficult zone to secure and there is need for better trained and better equipped troops,” said Rodrigue Koné of the Centre for Research and Action for Peace (CERAP), an Ivoirian organization.

Others are also sceptical about the military efforts.

“Moving from a security plan to an emergency security plan is to play with words rather than having a real will to resolve the problem. It is proof that the government is unable to contain the situation. It doesn’t know where and how to tackle the problem,” said Niangoran.

The Interior and the Defence Ministries declined to comment.

A matter of trust

Alexandre Neth Willy, secretary-general of the Ivoirian Human Rights League (LIDHO), told IRIN that the use of drones as recently requested by Côte d’Ivoire’s UN ambassador Bamba Youssoufou “will not be sufficient to solve the problem. The confrontations, recriminations and hatred are deeper [in the west] than in the rest of the country.

“On the one hand there’s a need to build confidence among the people themselves and on the other between the people and the army.”

CERAP’s Koné said: “Today the majority of the people in the west consider the army as the government’s militia. They have not overcome the events of the post-election crisis and the army has not been able to gain their confidence.”

He argued that the government should work to forge an army with a national outlook following the deep divisions caused by the post-election unrest.

Who are the gunmen?

Residents of the region – an area covering 73,000sqkm and home to nearly seven million people, or a third of the country’s population – say that apart from gunmen attacking from neighbouring Liberia, there are several armed groups operating inside the region with bases in the forests.

These militias fought for current President Alassane Ouattara during the violent dispute with his erstwhile election opponent Laurent Gbagbo, they say.

“The most famous of these armed groups is headed by Amadé Ourémi, a Burkinabé, who with his 1,000 fighters, is extending his area of operations without the slightest response from the authorities,” said Fabien Dotonin, an administrator in the western Duékoué District.

“The authorities in Abidjan make threatening statements about dislodging him. But once they come to the west, they neatly avoid talking about the problems caused by Ourémi or even meeting him, yet this is a typical case which if resolved will help a great deal in easing the security crisis,” he added.

Prime Minister Daniel Kablan Duncan on 4 April said all those occupying government forests will be expelled by the army, but so far no action has been taken.

aa/ob/cb  source

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Farmers are welcoming state-imposed prices

Posted by African Press International on November 8, 2012

ABIDJAN/ABENGOUROU,  – Cocoa farmers in Côte d’Ivoire, the world’s largest producer, began the 2012-2013 season in October with a minimum price g uaranteed by the state. This measure, part of the government’s sector-wide reforms, should stem corruption and make farmers less prone to the vagaries of international cocoa prices, giving them more financial stability so they can invest in their cocoa plantations.
Côte d’Ivoire produces about 35 percent of the world’s cocoa. Some 900,000 farmers grow cocoa in Côte d’Ivoire and 3.5 million of the country’s 22 million inhabitants live directly off the crop.
Prices have now been fixed at 725 CFA (US$1.41) per kilogram, a 9 percent increase on 2011-2012 average producers’ income. The price is equivalent to 60 percent of the international price at which cocoa is exported.
In the previous system, the government gave an indicative farm-gate price (the value of cocoa when it leaves the farm) at the beginning of each season but buyers rarely respected it. Last year farmers earned about 667 CFA ($1.29) per kilogram while the recommended price was 1,000 CFA ($2).
Producers have widely welcomed the price announcement. The set price should encourage people to invest, expand their plots, buy new fields, or better maintain them using fertilizers and insecticides, cocoa farmers in Abengourou in eastern Côte d’Ivoire, told IRIN.
George Kouame, a grower in Daloa in the west, said the regulation has encouraged him to add two more hectares to his 3.5 hectare cocoa plantation.
Many farmers call the previous pricing system hypocritical. “I am delighted the system has changed. It did not make sense to make farmers believe they would reach a set price while everyone else knew they’d earn less than that,” said Moussa Zoungrana, head of a cocoa farmers’ cooperative in Guiglo, western Côte d’Ivoire.
The government also hopes the higher price will improve the quality of the beans, which is often eroded because farmers do not dry them sufficiently in the rush to get them to market when prices are higher.
Under pressure from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, Côte d’Ivoire initiated cocoa sector reforms in early 2012, the goal being to regulate a sector that had been liberalized by these same institutions 13 years earlier. Cocoa production hit a record 1.5 million tons in the 2010-2011 season, declining by 2 percent in 2011-2012 mainly due to poor weather.

  • Extortion, racketeering limit profits

Despite welcoming the moves, many farmers complain their income remains depressed as sales are down. Poor roads and pervasive racketeering are dissuading buyers now that they cannot pass on the cost to the producers, complained Alasane Sogodogo, head of a cocoa cooperative in Para, near the Liberian border.
Extortion from soldiers and police at illegal road-blocks set up between the cocoa-growing zone and ports in the south can cost the cocoa sector as much as $19.5 million per year, according to the newly formed administrative body, the Café Cacao Council (CCC).
According to farmers, three weeks after the price was set, buyers were still trying to push down prices – citing the poor state of the roads, or racketeering – but for the most part, they are sticking to the new rules.
Local buyers – usually organized into cooperatives – complain they already cannot compete with multinationals and with the new prices. They will struggle further unless they get more support from the government, Jacques Kouacou in Daloa, a cooperative head in western Côte d’Ivoire, told IRIN.
Meanwhile, the CCC says it will have renovated 3,000km of roads by December2012 in main cocoa-growing areas.

  • Other cocoa sector reforms

Other reforms include replacing four administrative bodies with the CCC (which will run the sector), and reducing the number of intermediaries involved in the buying process, which has in the past promoted corruption.
The state has also announced it will purchase 70-80 percent of the harvest in advance, in a bid to make both its own revenue and that of farmers more predictable.
The CCC announced that 368 CCC officers and 500 agents from the National Agency to Support Rural Development (ANADER) have been deployed across the country to ensure buyers and intermediaries are respecting prices.
Heavy penalties have been announced for those who do not respect the price, including buyers having their licenses withdrawn, and criminal prosecutions being pursued, noted CCC President Massandje Touré at the campaign launch on 3 October. Five middlemen have already been arrested in western Côte d’Ivoire for trying to buy beans at a price lower than that set by the state, according to the CCC. One of them has been sentenced to three months in prison and fined 500,000 CFA ($974). Judgments on the others have yet to be passed.


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ICC Judges decide Laurent Gbagbo fit to take part in proceedings

Posted by African Press International on November 4, 2012

Situation: Ivory Coast

Case: The Prosecutor v. Laurent Gbagbo

On 2 November 2012, Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (ICC) decided that Mr Laurent Gbagbo was fit to take part in the proceedings before the Court. The judges will soon set a date for the confirmation of charges hearing in the case.

According to the judges’ decision, practical adjustments will need to be made in order to enable him to participate at the confirmation of charges hearing. These may include shorter court sessions, the provision of appropriate facilities to rest during breaks, the possibility for the suspect to excuse himself from all or part of the proceedings and to follow them via video link if he so wishes. The Chamber will determine the appropriate arrangements for the conduct of the hearings in consultation with the Defence and the Registry.


According to the arrest warrant issued against him, Laurent Gbagbo allegedly bears individual criminal responsibility, as indirect co-perpetrator, for four counts of crimes against humanity: a) murder, b) rape and other sexual violence, c) persecution and d) other inhuman acts, allegedly committed in the  context of the post-electoral violence in the territory of C d’Ivoire between 16 December 2010 and 12 April 2011. He was surrendered to the ICC on 30 November 2011 and he appeared before the Pre-Trial Chamber on 5 December 2011.

On 26 June 2012, the Chamber appointed three experts to assist in determining whether Mr Gbagbo was capable of meaningfully exercising his rights in the proceedings against him before the Court. The order to conduct a medical examination followed a filing of the Defence arguing, among other things, that the confirmation of charges hearing – initially scheduled for 13 August 2012 – should be postponed because Mr Gbagbo’s state of health made him unfit to take part in proceedings. On 2 August 2012, ICC Pre-Trial Chamber I postponed the confirmation of charges hearing until the issue of Mr Gbagbo’s fitness to take part in the hearing was resolved.

The confidential medical reports were filed on 19 July 2012. A hearing was subsequently held in closed session on this issue on 24 and 25 September 2012 in the presence of Mr Gbagbo, his Defence, the Prosecutor, representatives of the Registry and the experts appointed by the Chamber.

The ICC is the first permanent, treaty-based, international criminal court established to help end impunity for the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of concern to the international community, namely war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

source: ICC


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