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Archive for June 3rd, 2008

RAILA AND A SIAYA MP LOCKED THEIR HORNS OVER COUNCIL NOMINATION FOLLOWED BY PHYSICAL COMBAT IN PUBLIC

Posted by African Press International on June 3, 2008

Publisher: Korir africanpress@getmail.no
<By Leo Odera Omolo,Siaya Town, Kenya
A member of Parliament has locked horns with the Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga in Siaya township over the bitterly disputed Mayoral election.
The disagreementresulted in a Madaraka Day celebration at Siaya stadium marred by an ugly incident, in which civic leaders fought a fierce battle in public. Scores of people were injured , while the local D.C had to be shielded by a contingent of policemen from being hit with flying chairs and other misiles aimed at the VIP seated on the dais.
The war of attrition between Raila Odinga, and the Alego Usonga MP Edwin Ochieng Yinda began two months ago when the Prime Minister was reported to have recommended to the Siaya branch of the ODM that a prominent businessman in both Siaya Kisumu and Nairobi Mr. Nicholas Rajula be nominated to the Siaya Municipal Council.
Rajula had contested the Alego-Usonga parliamentary seat in December 2007, but lost the ODM ticket to the incumbent Ewin Ochieng Yinda during the partys preliminaries.
Rajula was consequently nominated. He stood again and contested the Mayoral election two months ago, but lost in a controversial manner to a former boda boda bicycle tax operator Coun Obiero Otare. The loser, however, protested that the mayoral election was conducted irregularly.
Rajula moved to court and obtained injunction restraining Town Clerk from conducting mayoral swearing in the new Mayor until the full hearing of the suit and its determination. But, according to Mr. Rajula, the Town Clerk defied the courts order and went ahead with the swearing exercise..
And Monday last week, the court, according to Mr. Rajula ordered the election of Siaya Mayor cancelled and that a fresh Mayoral election be conducted.
Sources is Siaya said tension has been building up in the Town over the Mayoral election. The MP is said to be backing the Obiero Otares, but Odingas loyalists are said to be supporting Coun Rajula.
Alego-Usonga tribulation began a month ago when he became the only lone voice in Luo-Nyanza who severely criticized Raila Odinga for his choice of Luo MPS for the ministerial appointments in the grand coalition. His criticism of the PM did not go down well with overzealous supporter ofAgwambo in the region.
Yinda for many years was a KANU operative in Siaya and had became perennial election loser on the partys ticket ever since 1992. He switched to the ODM only last year and secured the party nomination certificate after beating a host of other contestants. But there were murmers and mutual distrust and unconfirmed rumours and allegations that he was still a KANU sympathizer.
Yinda is married to a daughter of the former Provincial Commissioner at the Coast and Central Provinces, the late Mr. Eliud Mahihu., fuelling suspicion that he is a sympathizer of the MT.group of politicians and therefore is fighting Raila Odinga in his home turf.
The MPs supporters in Siaya were heard saying loudlythat Raila was imposing outsiders on Siaya Municipal civic leaders..
On Sunday the disagreement ended in a nasty fight, which virtually marred the Madaraka Day celebration at Siaya Stadium..
The fighting resulted in scores of people sustaining injuries while members of the public who had gathered at the venue in their hundreds took to their heels.The fight broke out between MP Yindas supporters and Railas loyalists. It was a total war in which chairs and other missiles flew over the podium sending VIP to their heels. The D.C. Boaz Chelimo was only saved from being hit with chairs when he was shielded by a team of policemen.
It all started when Obiero Otare invited Rajula to address the gathering. Instead the nominated Councillor said as a matter of protocol, he in turn invited the Siaya district chairman Mr. Okoth Obondo to address the meeting.
Obondo took the microphone and disowned the MP saying that Alego-Usonga had no MP. His remarks sparked off the scuffle as Obiero Otare struggled to wrestle the microphone from him. The two almost went down, but other civic leaders joined the melee, and it became free for all. At this juncture, the hell broke out sending everybody fleeing for his or her dear life.
Alego-Usonga MP who is a prominent businessman in Mombasa is having lean time following accusations and unconfirmed allegations that he is the one who had been inciting the residents against the US based investor who has already sun close to Kshs 3 billion in the multibillion rice scheme being undertaken on the 17,500 hectare swamp land on River Yala, which is being reclaimed for food production activities. .
The mega farm project being undertaken by a locally incorporated company under the flagship of Farm International Limited covered both side of Yala River in Bondo and Siaya districts. The project has the full support and backing of the Bondo MP Dr.. Oburu Oginga and his younger brother Raila Odinga. The investor Mr. Calvin Burgess recently issued a threat that he would close down the project and send home close to 1200 workers if the local politicians persist in demanding money for bribes.
The Alego Usonga MP is a besieged man, and his working relations with other Luo MPs is said to be strained ever since he questioned Raila Odinga rationale of appointing MPs to the coalition cabinet. Other rumours making the round is that Yinda who is arguably a wealthy business man is one of those peoplecurrently bankrolling the proponents of grand opposition in Parliament, which is being spearheaded by the Budalangi MP Ababu Namwambas group. Another Luo MP whose name is being frequently mentioned as allegedly involved with Namwambas group is Fred Outa of Nyando.
Ends
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Former President Daniel Moi had 13 days at his disposal to stop the 1982 failed coup from taking place

Posted by African Press International on June 3, 2008

by api

Kenya: The failed coup did not have to take place in the first place. Moi and close advisers sanctioned it for the sake of power consolidation.

Moi, Biwott and far right with his hat on, Mr Barngetuny.

The failed coup of 1982 was a catastrophe for the Kenyan people. It should never have been allowed to go ahead for the sake of testing political loyalties. Having allowed it to go ahead in order to settle scores was wrong and poor judgement, because the coup organizers were underestimated. The�coup almost succeeded. Many people suffered after the failed coup, because people simply needed to point a finger at someone and add his or her name to those who were involved one way or another with the planning of the coup. Many politicians, academicians and even sweepers had their lives turned upside down the moment they were picked on as suspects, whether they knew of the coup plans or not. It was enough to belong to some�groups considered to be noisemakers or be of a brand not willing to dance to�expected tune of the day.

The former President had the ability to stop the failed coup having had 13 days at his disposal to do something about it. He should have ensured that the coup was stopped on�the 31.july 1982 and all culprits arrested by mid-night the same day. Instead, a meeting at Kabarak on the 17th of July decided that the attempt to overthrow Moi be allowed to go ahead so that the government would know the real enemies and also be able to use the opportunity to squize out difficult elements around the president in an effort to enable the Head of State to consolidate power. It was also agreed that Moi drops the idea of travelling to Tripoli to attend the OAU and instead be represented by the then Foreign Minister. To Moi’s surprise and advisers, the coup almost succeeded. API

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A Kenya Daily Nation Story:

What Intelligence boss knew about coup plot against Moi

In today�s instalment on the life and times of intelligence chief James Kanyotu, writer KAMAU NGOTHO sheds light on the failed coup against President Moi

 

 

 
 
 

 

Wananchi show their identity cards after soldiers attempted to overthrow President Moi�s government in 1982. The coup was later crushed. The Intelligence network, led by Mr Kanyotu (below) played

An enduring mystery in Kenya�s history is how rebel junior officers of the Kenya Air Force planned and executed the failed takeover of President Moi�s Government on August 1, 1982.

That the soldiers made their move despite the presence of the much touted intelligence network headed by Mr James Kanyotu still baffles many.

But we can now report that both the Kenya Police Special Branch � the precursor of today�s National Security Intelligence Service (NSIS) � and the Military Intelligence had got wind of the coup plot three months in advance.

While it remains a matter of speculation as to what exactly transpired a few days to the coup attempt, what is in no doubt is that President Moi significantly changed tact after the event. The failed coup turned him into a dictator and heralded crackdowns over the next few years on all forms of dissent.

Hindsight

Mr Kanyotu�s intelligence network was central to the arrests, detentions, tortures and disappearances that marked the dark years.� Yet looked at in hindsight, the coup was not an event out of the blue � it seemed like part of a process.

Not long before the coup, the Government had rammed through the infamous Section 2A of the Constitution that made Kenya a one-party State.

Detention without trial had also made a comeback as Kanyotu�s intelligence network went in pursuit of radical university lecturers and the lawyers who dared to defend them.

After the coup it was open season. Other than the military plotters led by Sr Private Hezekiah Ochuka, who were sentenced to death or to lengthy jail terms, prominent victims included Mr Raila Odinga, then a deputy director of the Kenya Bureau of Standards and son of opposition pioneer Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

Withdrawn

Raila was one of the four civilians charged with treason before the charges were withdrawn and substituted with detention without trial.

That was not all. Once President Moi was through with dissidents, he turned viciously on presumed disloyal elements in his own Government.

The most dramatic development was the sudden fall from grace of his once all-powerful Attorney-General, Mr Charles Njonjo.

The impressive political and security network assembled by Mr Njonjo was swiftly dismantled.

He was taken through show trial in the form of a Judicial Commission of Inquiry where among the raft of allegations, was evidence brought in that the Air Force coup was mounted to pre-empt another key takeover by forces loyal to Mr Njonjo.

And Raila, now Kenya�s second Prime Minister, was brought out of detention to give evidence against Mr Njonjo.

Two days before the coup, machinery had been set in motion to apprehend the ring-leaders, but the operation was mysteriously called off at the last minute.

Much earlier, at the beginning of May, the intelligence team had learnt that junior Air Force officers stationed in Nanyuki were planning to overthrew the Government before the end of the year.

Mr Kanyotu immediately assigned one of his senior officers to monitor progress and report to him on a daily basis. The officer quickly infiltrated the coup plotters by planting his moles among them.

Towards the end of June, August 3 was picked as the actual date for the execution of the coup. This was the day President Moi was to travel to the OAU Heads of State Summit in Libya.

All this time the Commander-in-Chief was kept abreast of the developments.

Four days to the August 3 D-day, Mr Kanyotu started to plan his countermove on the rebel soldiers.

He instructed his main investigator and four other senior intelligence officers to proceed to Nanyuki Air Base where they would be joined by Military Intelligence officers from the Department of Defence headquarters to execute the arrests.

However, while at Nanyuki, the acting base commander told the intelligence team that he had no instructions on any impending arrests and asked them to wait as he consulted his superiors.

A rather hostile base commander returned and told the intelligence officers that there were no arrests to be made and asked them to leave.

The senior officer immediately called his boss, Mr Kanyotu, who confirmed that the mission had been cancelled, but divulged no more.

The following day, on August 1, the coup attempt took place two days ahead of schedule.

A confidential source now discloses that news of the impending arrests was deliberately leaked to the plotters, throwing them into panic, hence the rush.

Who authorised the leakage and why is still a puzzle to this day.

Powerful Cabinet minister G.G. Kariuki gives a guess: �I have every reason to believe the coup attempt was deliberately allowed to happen�, he says. �Somebody, somewhere was already aware it would not succeed, but wanted it to happen all the same and then use it as an excuse to settle political scores.�

The former minister for Internal Security cites subsequent events as pointers that the coup attempt may have been used as an excuse to wage political battles within the Government.

He recalls that hardly a week after the failed coup, he received a directive from Head of Public Service Jeremiah Kiereini to the effect that visits to State House, even for Cabinet ministers, would be strictly by appointment. A week later, his security detail was withdrawn, leaving him with just one policeman.

Commander

Further evidence that the coup attempt may have been deliberate came out during the trial of Air Force commander PM Kariuki.

Maj-Gen� Kariuki told the court martial that the head of the military intelligence had personally told him not to worry as everything was under control.

And Mr John Keen, the Internal Security assistant minister, says he suspected at the time that Mr Kanyotu knew everything that went wrong before the coup took place. He remembers going to see him on July 31 and getting his assurance that his agents were on top of things.

But intelligence sources privy to the goings-on at the time hint that whoever wanted the coup attempt to go on may have underestimated the extent of damage it would cause.

Kanyotu team�s hand in seditious pamphlets

One day in 1987, intelligence officers picked up a prominent figure in motor rallying circles from his Limuru home for interrogation at the dreaded Nyayo House offices of the Special Branch.And Mr Stephen Mbaraka Karanja was never to be seen again � dead or alive.

When he went missing for too long, his family applied for a writ of habeas corpus.

High Court judge Derek Schofield ordered the police to produce him in court, but was told that police could not comply because Mr Karanja had died in police custody � that he was shot while he allegedly tried to escape.

The judge demanded that police, Mr Kanyotu�s Special Branch was then a division of the Kenya Police, produce his body.

What followed was a grisly exercise as police exhumed 19 bodies at the Eldoret municipal council cemetery in search of the victim�s body.

An angry Mr Justice Schofield described the episode as callous and demanded an explanation from the Commissioner of Police and the Director of the CID.

Swiftly removed

Instead, he was swiftly removed from the case and transferred to an up-country station by Chief Justice Cecil Miller. But the judge rejected the transfer and opted to quit, later leaving the country to take up office as the chief justice of Gibraltar.

It was not until much later that it emerged that Mr Karanja had been shot and his body burnt to ashes at a forest near Eldoret Town.

A witness to the incident was to recall his last words to have been: �There is no God in Kenya!�

Mr Karanja was just one of the many Kenyans in the mid 1980s who were victims of the dreaded Special Branch, which was the lead security agency operating in total disregard of the law in pursuit of perceived dissidents.

Mr Karanja had been arrested in connection with a clandestine dissident movement called Mwakenya.

Kenyans first heard about the group in 1986. It was said to be the offshoot of another clandestine group called the December 12 Movement. The later sprang from the blues in 1983 immediately after the abortive military coup the previous year.

Mwakenya

Both were supposed to publish seditious leaflets called Mwakenya/Mpatanishi and Pambana, respectively.

A retired senior intelligence officer now reveals that both Mwakenya and its seditious pamphlets were creations of Mr Kanyotu�s intelligence system, while the December 12 Movement and Pambana were creations of a parallel intelligence system run by Internal Security permanent secretary Hezekiah Oyugi.

The two men were bitter rivals� competing to impress President Moi on who was more effective in keeping dissent at bay.

The retired intelligence officer traces the birth of the December 12 Movement and Mwakenya to the early 1979 when the Government grew increasingly worried about growing radicalisation of staff and students at the University of Nairobi.

In 1982, President Moi re-introduced detention without trial and locked up three lecturers, Mukaru Ng�ang�a, Edward Oyugi and Kamonji Wachira.

But dissent in institutions of higher learning went on unabated, and intelligence came up with Pambana, says the� retired officer.

This is how it worked. On identifying the �troublesome� lecturer or student, intelligence would �plant� some �Pambana� leaflets on him. He would then be arrested and �made� to confess to belonging to the shadowy organisation called the December 12 Movement, the purported authors of the offensive literature.

Dozens of students and lecturers were arrested and jailed after confessing to membership in the dissident movements.

Many at the university, in fact, were keen to get their hands on the seditious publications and distribute them to like-minded friends unaware that they were only spreading the net of those to be arrested.

The operation went haywire, says the officer, when Mr Oyugi formed a parallel intelligence system, which deployed �special district officers� across the country to report directly to him.

The net had by then spread from academia to include lawyers, journalists, politicians and businessmen. The targets would be held incommunicado for two to four weeks and tortured at Nyayo House.

On being brought to court� they were ready to confess to anything. The court appearances were invariably early in the morning or late in the evening, outside normal working hours.

Made judges

The unrepresented suspects would always be dragged before a succession of Nairobi chief magistrates who would soon after be made judges.

 

The prosecution would be conducted by deputy public prosecutor Bernard Chunga, later to become chief justice, while always hovering in the background would be the dreaded intelligence officer James Opiyo of the Nyayo House torture chambers.
 
 

 

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Posted by African Press International on June 3, 2008

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no

  • The circumstances leadingto API’s interview with Mr Felicien Kabuga

Flicien Kabuga<Mr Flicien Kabuga

Many media outlets and other institutions have treated our story on Kabuga and his presence in Norway at the time of interview with caution. It is not difficult to understand why many find it difficult to see the real picture in allthat has happened, the fact that APImet Mr Kabuga and even managed to secure an interview. Mr Kabugatravelled to Sweden in an effort to meet an elderly Sudanese man who isrefugee in that country. While in that country, he discovered that the man he was looking for was not there. He managed, one way or another, to get information that a South Sudanese delegation led by the South Sudan President Salva Kiir was going to be in Norway for a conference.

It was at that time Mr Kabuga chose to travel to Oslo hoping the old man he was looking for in Sweden had found his way to Norway to meet his colleagues from South Sudan.

As things turned out, the Sudanese old man was not in Norway but had travelled to South Sudan. Those close to Kabuga, who met him in Norway, directed him to API’s Chief Editor who happens to be a friend to the Sudanese old man. After discussions on what Mr Kabuga wanted, the parties agreed on an interview on condition, API assisted Kabuga to connect with the Sudanese old man and another man of Ugandan origin now resident in the UK, so that the two men may initiate talks with the Rwanda Government for the purposes of reaching an agreement on a conditional surrender. Both men are close contacts of API’s Chief Editor.

  • ICTR and the Rwanda government among those who doubt the story

API has noted that several media outlets have focused on the behaviour of the ICTR and the Rwanda government on how they have reacted to the story. As a media outlet, API does not go around distributing prove to institutions in order that those who read API articles may believe what is being written.

The Rwanda government and the ICTR has the opportunity to get in touch with API and find out the truth. The Rwanda government could have been satisfied if the Minister for Justice had taken contact and received the document that is supposed to be handed over to him in an effort to find ways and means to start talking.

When the government categorically spells out publicly that they will not talk to Kabuga,while at the same timeallowing their embassy to engage insecret contacts, such public move by the government serves to destroy the spirit of the intended talks. The government should have taken time toreceive thedocument containing important information,thereafter decide whether or not to engage in formal talks.

By doing so, the government will be showing a will to listen to Kabuga’s story and make a fair judgement on whether to accept his conditions or not.

  • Media claims that meeting Kabuga may lead to death

API has noted that some media outlets do not have time for Kabuga because he has been accused of genocide. And yet many people tend to say an accused person is innocent until proven guilty. API has been contacted by many media outlets and other international government branches who emphasize that the only journalist who met Kabuga in Kenya died later.As far as API is concerned, nobody has come forward with clear evidence that the journalist who died was killed by Kabuga. API has understood that the murdered journalist had plans to lure Kabuga to a police trap. API has no intention to lure any accused person or persons to police traps. API will remain professional ininterviews and will not be party to colluding with others to net people being searched for by any international body. This, however, does not mean API condones any form of crimes, be it genocide or any other. We are now dealing with a man whohas decided to reach out and surrender. The fact that API has become the only media to break the story does not make the story to be a hoax as some would like to have it fall into that category. Many have asked how Kabuga could have trusted API. This only leads API to believe that some have taken the narrow path that has led to underestimate Mr Kabuga. API chooses to believe that a man who has managed to hide for many years, having many friends, and buying his way for safe hiding, knows when to trust and who to trust depending on the place and timing.

  • Fear for life

Kabuga has been accused of genocide in Rwanda. Some who have followed the genocide stories in Rwanda are saddened. And yet they must not forget that every story has two sides. Kabuga has decided to surrender because he wants to tell his side of the story to the Rwanda government. If he is guilty, it does not mean that everyone he meets has to fear for his life. API has reported a story as it is and has no reason to be afraid of the man because API has not misreported the facts. And API has not in any way held in its map to blackmail Mr Kabuga, but just to pass on the message on the request for talks geared to a conditional surrender.

  • ICTR’s relaxed mood on Kabuga’s whereabouts

API has noted that ICTR is relaxed on the issue because they are of the opinion that Mr Kabuga is in Kenya and not Norway. Every institution has the right to believe or not, any given information at any given time. API goes by the correctness of the interview and will publicise more information on the issue when the Rwanda government decides to take the matter more seriously.

  • Contact with the Rwandese authorities should bear fruit

In our articles, API has categorically stated that Kabuga is not in Kenya. API has also stated that Rwanda has expressed goodwill to start the talks. API appreciates the move and thanks the Embassy of Rwanda in Belgium for taking great interest in the story and by negotiating a way to meet and get evidence on what Kabuga is presenting, all in the effort to start the talks in one of the Scandinavian countries. The communication with the embassy will soon bear fruit because, as API understands it, the participant is mandated by the Government to proceed.

  • Meeting Kabuga

On seeing Kabuga, one notices he is a tired man. It is, however, not difficult to understand that he means what he says when he now wants to go back home. His health seems to dictate theday to day programwhen it comes to his activities. The man is now aged and he expresses sadness for whathappened to his country in 1994.

  • Timing of API’s articles

This is a serious matter that concerns many institutions and people. Due to the fact that Mr Kabuga is the most wanted man, and that he has not given interviews since going into hiding, has ledmany people to be suspicious on the timing ofthe articles.To think or even imagine that the timing has any hidden agenda is uncalled for, and primitive, because the interview is not one API was aware of in advance that itwas going to take place. It was only after being contacted for a meeting in connection with the search for the Sudanese old man, whom Mr Kabuga wanted to meet in Oslo, that API requested for the interview and was reluctantly granted with conditions.

The ICTR wants to believe that Kabuga is in Kenya, because theinstitution will soon report on Kenya to the UN Security Council and the Council members may decide to impose sanctions on Kenya. having been accused of giving refuge to Kabuga. API is not in a position to change the ICTR’s way of looking at things, because they have their own machinery, and if their machinery confirms to them that Kabuga is hiding in Kenya, thatremains to be seen when the man resurfaces one way or another.

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African Press International – api

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Norwegian media “Aftenposten’s story” on Kabuga

Posted by African Press International on June 3, 2008

Rwandan war criminal reportedly in Oslo

The man who’s charged with financing genocide in Rwanda is reportedly hiding out in Oslo, and may want to turn himself in.

An arrest warrant was issued for Felicien Kabuga in 1999.

Felicien Kabuga, a wealthy Rwandan businessman who’s been on the run for 14 years, reportedly drove over the border from Sweden two months ago and has been staying with another man from Rwanda in a flat in Oslo.

The editor of Norwegian-based African Press International (API) told a Kenyan newspaper that he had interviewed Kabuga in an Oslo hotel room. Editor Sammy Kipterer Korir told newspaper Sunday Nation that he’d been invited to the hotel room by a friend from Sudan.

Korir didn’t respond to inquiries from Aftenposten.

API reported that Kabuga, now age 72, wanted to return to Rwanda before his health deteriorates. He reportedly said he would seek asylum in Norway if the Rwandan authorities refuse to negotiate with him.

Rwandan authorities have rejected negotiations with the alleged war criminal. A United Nations tribunal issued a warrant for Kabuga’s arrest in 1999. Diplomats and tribunal officials reportedly have dismissed Korir’s report of meeting Kabuga as a hoax.

Written by Aftenposten English Web Desk

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The final word on amnesty

Posted by African Press International on June 3, 2008

Written by Sam O. Okello
Yesterday I watched with amazement as President Mwai Kibaki stood before Kenyans and announced with a straight face that the perpetrators of post-election violence be prosecuted. His chutzpah and continued impunity speaks for the contempt he has for Kenyans. But because of the venue and the importance of the day he chosetospit in our faces, I have to loudly wonder about who makes the list of his perpetrators. Abouttwo weeks ago I gave my list.Here it is:
1. Mwai Kibaki
The leading culprit in the election drama is President Kibaki himself. If you wonder what crimes he committed, I’m glad to list them .
a. Mwai Kibaki plotted at the State house and at other venues across kenya to systematically manufacture votes on the 27th of December 2007. That act of vote manufacturing is criminal and should be punished under the statues that govern elections in Kenya.
b. Mwai Kibaki, together with associates, ordered the Kenya Police and other forces under his command to quell post-election fracas by using illegitimate force, resulting in the death of innocent Kenyans. Again, that act of such abuse of authority is punishable under the statues that govern the powers vested on the executive branch of the government of Kenya.
c. Mwai Kibaki, the man Kenyans elected in 2002to protect them, watched with contempt as Kenya burned. At the very least he abdicated the duty Kenyans gave him to ensure the nation was secure within and without its borders. A competent court of law should try and ascertain whether this man had lost the capacity to govern the nation, leading to the death of thousands of Kenyans or get to the bottom of the decision-making that led to the criminally slow response of the government as the nation went up in smoke.
d. Finally, we all watched the hurried and haphazard manner the swearing-in ceremony was conducted. No national anthem. No ambassadors and representatives from Kenya’s friends. If you ask me, these are he actions of a man who has defrauded a nation. That is a crime, last time I checked.
2. John Michuki
This man was the Internal Security minister. We now have indication that he used his powers in a manner that led to the death of many Kenyans. For there to be any semblance of fairness in the way justice is administered, this man should be tried so that thelegality of his actions can be put under scrutiny. Moreover, it should be established if the shoot-to-kill order that led to the massacre of Kenyans in Kisumu and Naivasha came from this man. If it did, he has a case to answer.
3. Uhuru Kenyatta
Like I said two weeks ago, there were allegations that this son of the nation’s founding father was given the task to fund-raise for the Mungiki. To the extent that such allegations are out there, it is important for those who have evidence against the man to come forward and be given a chance to testify against him. If he is innocent, he should be cleared of these allegations. If he is guilty, the nation has an obligation to its citizen to prove that justice isblind.
4. General M. H. Ali
The cops killed. He was their leader. It’s as simple as that.
Again, Fellow Kenyans, that’s my list.But to hear Kibaki’s utterancesyesterday, you’d thinksome boys from Western Province and the Rift Valley plotted to bring down his government. Has it ever occurred to him that he was the one who plotted to bring down the government these youthsvoted for? He may have the power to prosecute these youths now,but is that the best way to make us forget about his own crimes? Just like he insists on prosecution for our brothers and sisters across Western Kenya and the Rift Valley, should we insist that one day when he leaves power he must also face the law at the Hague for crimes against humanity?
We all need to come to an agreement that reconciliation is important for the nation. That all are created equal. That we are all in this together. If we can agree on such basic premises, then we can agree as a nation to forgive Kibaki and his murderous gang, just like he must lead the nation in forgiving and cleansing our sons and daughters of their sins. It’s as simple as that.
If that can’t be achieved, take the bullshit about reconciliation to the dogs.
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Published by African Press International – api

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Posted by African Press International on June 3, 2008

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no source.apa

The American government has urged Mauritius to take an active role in Africom, the American Military and Civilian Unified Command Centre for Africa which comes into operations next October.

Meeting the press on Monday at his office in Port Louis the capital, Iswar Ramparsad, head of the Mauritius police force disclosed that at the invitation of the American embassy in Mauritius, senior police officials and the police special mobile force took part in a symposium last Friday in Port Louis to discuss the issue.

Organised by the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies (ACSS), the theme of the meeting was: Meeting Maritime Security Challenges for Mauritius in the 21st century. Ramparsad added that the ACSS had delegated four senior officials of the organisation, namely, the director of Community Outreach and Public Affairs, Clifford Bernath, the Community Affairs Specialist for North East and Southern Africa, Mary McGurn and Jennifer Doyle and Dr Augustus Vogel, representatives of the US naval forces in Europe to conduct the symposium.

Ramparsad further indicated that the aim was to give a global view of the new measures that Mauritius and the United States could undertake in common so as to respond to problems on maritime security and fight effectively against illegal fishing in the exclusive economic zone of Mauritius.

Additionally, Ramparsad said civilian and military academic and technical assistance as well as communications support, including satellite data for the surveillance of the ocean economic zone will be put at the disposal of Mauritius. In return, he said the US expects that a network of officials of the civilian and military as well as state organisations of Mauritius and the US be established in order to assist American decision makers in the formulation of an effective African policy. The network will also involve other African countries that will show an interest in its work, he said.

The police chief observed that it will be up to the government to take the final decision as to the collaboration with the American military authorities, but that many African countries have expressed their reservations to be associated with the project.

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API

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Jacob Zuma to share stage with Greenspan at economic forum in Johannesburg

Posted by African Press International on June 3, 2008

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no

South Africas ruling African National Congress (ANC) party President Jacob Zuma will share the stage with former United States Federal Reserve chief Alan Greenspan later this month a conference here, the organisers said on Monday.

The conference, entitled The Age of Turbulence, will take place at the Sandton Convention Centre in Johannesburg on June 24.

The conference will see Greenspan speak live to South Africans via fully interactive satellite.

Greenspan will answer questions on issues such as the sub-prime mortgage crisis in the US, the effect of the US economy on global markets, and the outlook for the global economy.

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