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Archive for May 5th, 2007

Liberia: Inmates sodomized colleagues

Posted by African Press International on May 5, 2007

From APN Correspondent in Africa Mr.  J. Cholo  Brooks/Liberia

 

Several male prisoners at
Liberia’s major prison center, the Monrovia Central Prison are said to be on a daily sphere sodomizing their fellow prisoners with no regard of human feelings and the rule of law.

 

Speaking to a local daily in
Monrovia, an inmate named not disclosed who was recently from the Monrovia Central Prison explained to reporters that his three weeks sty in the Central Prison was what he called “his worst nightmare ever in life”.
 

According to him, while in prison on the charge of “disorderly Conduct” he was sodomized by a man he called the President of Cell MB-3 on several occasions, adding, “The day I arrived for my detention, the President of this cell asked me if I had my condom with me. I told him no, but in response, he said he was going to have sex with me because that is the rule for new prisoners.”

 

According to him, he pleaded with them since he had never been involved in such an act, but the president of the group who he described as “Jewie”, said he was not going to spare him since that was their rule, “when I started crying the second man in command who called himself “four Star General” who knew me prior to my detention prevailed on his friend Jewie to leave me alone because I was a child. Based on that I was spared,” the sodomized victim in a tearful eyes to reporters.

 

During a visit to ascertain the facts on this issue,  our correspondent visited the Monrovia Central prison  where it was confirmed by prison authority that this attitude on the part of prisoners sodomizing their fellow colleagues was indeed truth , “my brother these guys are terrible. We have reported this over end over to the ministry of justice but to no avail,” one of the security officers said.

 

Several of the inmates who also spoke to reporters pleaded with our team to inform the Liberian leader, President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf to do some about this, “we are begging you guys to have this publish in order for the President to know about what is happening here t this Central Prison,” another victims in a serious tune said.

 

Meanwhile, a group of Human Rights Lawyers are calling on the Liberia Government to speedily investigate what is obtaining from the Monrovia Central Prison, “It is very shameful to hear that prisoners, especially men using their fellow men, or sodomizing them. The Liberian  Government must come out and say something about this”,  Demspter Browne one of the lawyers told our correspndent in
Monrovia.

 

Published by African Press in Norway, apn, africanpress@chello.no

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Sweden: Does Narc-Ks want fire….

Posted by African Press International on May 5, 2007

What’s that? Kuna mtu anajisikia maboom.. Primary school stuff? . We are the burning spear!! Is osewe the Scandinavian raila? Has he lost it as well?..haiya!.

Well the mjamaa needs to keep his ambitions running. That we so well know . Him and his idol party odm-ks needs propaganda falsehoods, or cold war as he likes to call it; the latter sounds sophisticated, huh?. He is a “journalist” you know?.

Osewe is well known in the Stockholm he writes about. As a trickster today. He likes to video tape and document drunk odm-k and odm-ks supporters as an only way to discredit the incumbent government in Kenya.

Now and then, he drops something good and helpful and Kenyan Stockholmares we appreciate that. But his blog also creates the widest gaps between Kenyans.

It has become the wakenya in Stockholm’s own skvaller blog. Intentionally? This same blog is in fact the most disturbing representation; or misrepresentation as most of his fellow party members prefer, in his own odm-ks. He won’t care.

He never does, he wants the ‘dossiers` to keep his blog running coz otherwise what would he write about? You want to chongoa your exfriend or just your friend use Osewe’s blog!!

He has single-handedly turned his blog from a useful source of information for Kenyan Swedes into a joker’s nonsensical blog. Osewe has had the respect of Kenyans in Stockholm for too long.

When he became kesofo’s vice-chairman (his interest was on the chairmanship) we thought that the guy would demonstrate some sort of discipline just for the sake of kesofo.

Some kind of restrain in verbal blog attacks on fellow Kenyans. But the discipline, he lost along time ago. He’s incapable of reporting in accuracy for the sake of credibility.

No Kenyan is yet to show distaste in his deteriorating work in his blog! Whats up!? Mostly we just ignore the nonsense. Kesofo is seen as the latest test in unifying Kenyans in Stockholm but the presence of osewe jeopardises that aim with his more and more frequent rumour mongering.

Rumour as in baseless, untrue, unnecessary, uncalled for, dividing, tribalistic, and useless among Kenyans in Stockholm. He represents the odm-k we know to well. His kind come and go having served no purpose in our world politicaly.

It is the same kind we are tired of as Kenyans. Fake politicians/journalists who’s main aim is to gain ground tribalisticaly. His blog and his kind of political nonsense are of no use to Kenyans anywhere!

By Njoro, Sweden

Published by African Press in Norway, apn

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Liberia: Inmates sodomized colleagues in Liberian Central Prison, Rights wants government probe the issue

Posted by African Press International on May 5, 2007

 From APN Correspondent in Africa Mr.  J. Cholo  Brooks/Liberia

 

Several male prisoners at
Liberia’s major prison center, the Monrovia Central Prison are said to be on a daily sphere sodomizing their fellow prisoners with no regard of human feelings and the rule of law.

 

Speaking to a local daily in
Monrovia, an inmate named not disclosed who was recently from the Monrovia Central Prison explained to reporters that his three weeks sty in the Central Prison was what he called “his worst nightmare ever in life”.
 

According to him, while in prison on the charge of “disorderly Conduct” he was sodomized by a man he called the President of Cell MB-3 on several occasions, adding, “The day I arrived for my detention, the President of this cell asked me if I had my condom with me. I told him no, but in response, he said he was going to have sex with me because that is the rule for new prisoners.”

 

According to him, he pleaded with them since he had never been involved in such an act, but the president of the group who he described as “Jewie”, said he was not going to spare him since that was their rule, “when I started crying the second man in command who called himself “four Star General” who knew me prior to my detention prevailed on his friend Jewie to leave me alone because I was a child. Based on that I was spared,” the sodomized victim in a tearful eyes to reporters.

 

During a visit to ascertain the facts on this issue,  our correspondent visited the Monrovia Central prison  where it was confirmed by prison authority that this attitude on the part of prisoners sodomizing their fellow colleagues was indeed truth , “my brother these guys are terrible. We have reported this over end over to the ministry of justice but to no avail,” one of the security officers said.

 

Several of the inmates who also spoke to reporters pleaded with our team to inform the Liberian leader, President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf to do some about this, “we are begging you guys to have this publish in order for the President to know about what is happening here t this Central Prison,” another victims in a serious tune said.

 

Meanwhile, a group of Human Rights Lawyers are calling on the Liberia Government to speedily investigate what is obtaining from the Monrovia Central Prison, “It is very shameful to hear that prisoners, especially men using their fellow men, or sodomizing them. The Liberian  Government must come out and say something about this”,  Demspter Browne one of the lawyers told our correspndent in
Monrovia.

 

Published by African Press in Norway, apn, africanpress@chello.no

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ODM-K Scandinavia: An Ailing Briefcase Party

Posted by African Press International on May 5, 2007

As we continue being entertained and informed about the shadowy nature of the ODM-K Scandinavia interim committee, we see from various media how the embattled committee members are defending themselves. The plot is thickening.  

Munala on his Jamii blog has come out openly to ask Osewe of KSB why he should bring out his past life as a church Deacon into ODM-KS matters. Osewe, whom I gather keeps “personal dossiers” of Kenyans in Stockholm, claimed on KSB that his armory is full and he could unleash the necessary missiles when needed.

 

Munala has been candid enough to explain weaknesses within his past life. Meanwhile, he has left me in stitches writing that Osewe was injecting animals in Kisii-Kenya (read veterinary officer).

 

Anyway on matters ODM-KS, Osewe writes on his KSB that Mrs Opwapo (the undecided and confused chairlady) has invited Kenyans to the long awaited Party elections on May 19, 2007. For a briefcase Party, she seems NOT to have had any control, because Munala in his latest article, questions many things that are downright negative in the running of a public office. Her leadership is equal to Poor Governance.

 

I had earlier copied from http://www.narckenyascandinavia.com, the former vice treasurer’s (Jared Odero) resignation letter. He raised concerns that have left me wondering how the ODM-KS committee has been managing its affairs. Remember Munala told us that three (3) committee members had resigned from ODM-KS at different intervals.

 

The only visible answer to one of Odero’s concerns is the ODM-KS website which is running, but remains hijacked by a faction in the committee, according to Munala.

 

In an earlier article by Munala, the Chairlady is said to have gone ballistic when he (Munala) tabled Odero’s letter to be discussed during a committee meeting. I noted earlier that she is cantankerous. Today playing the good mother, but suddenly changes into a (shrewd) dictator whose word is final, whether right or wrong.

 

If one wants a regime change in Kenya, support ODM-K directly through different initiatives. Otherwise for the noisemakers in the Diaspora who do not even possess voters’ cards, remain armchair politicians or engage in worthwhile projects that will develop your personal lives. Why can’t these people engage in empowering themselves in the Diaspora instead of spending so much energy hurling insults on blogs?

 

The true winners are the “Wanjikus” on the ground in Kenya, who will vote for change. These “Diasporans” are tearing each others jugular veins from the comfort of their new country, yet the true Kenyans have to survive on meager earnings and run down the streets to bring that change.

 

ODM-KS is an ailing, radarless briefcase Party led by selfish people, whose agenda is negative for the well-being of Kenyans in Stockholm and widely in Scandinavia.

 

Odero’s resignation letter: 

Dear Committee Members,

 

Greetings from Johannesburg in South Africa. Am here meeting my research partners and the weather is cool, partly sunny, with scattered showers. However, it is a productive stay so far. I am announcing my resignation from the ODMK-S committee membership and Vice Treasurer in advance through this email. If deemed necessary, I will sit with the committee to discuss, but I will exhaust my reasons here, so it will be unnecessary to meet, because my resignation is immediate. It is good to be away because it gives one time to reflect upon certain things in life. I have done this with the ODMK-S matter, and felt that resigning is the most noble thing, though I will remain a party member.

 

For Blog owners, Osewe and Munala, if you want to improve your hit ratings with this scoop, then you better cut and paste my resignation letter word for word, otherwise I would advice you to leave this as an internal matter, because I was not appointed to the committee via the blog.    

 

Reasons for Odero’s resignation from the ODMKS Committee:

 

1. Lack of collective drive/push: 

When I first joined the committee in November 2006, I was very enthusiastic and hoped that the vision charted (constitution and the 12 point program) would be implemented at the fast pace that the members had. So far, this has not worked and instead there have been loose misinterpretations and deviations from the original scripts. I do not have to quote, but so far all know that we had to re-debate the independence of ODMK-S. I will not even repeat the half-hearted way of dealing with other Kenyans within Sweden, who have shown interest in joining us.

 

2. Financial challenges: 

I foresee challenges ahead in raising money for the ODMK-S office rent and activities, because so far the only solution is to sell drinks, which some do not even buy. This is therefore an unfair way of recruiting money because some are in the bandwagon at the expense of the others. No other clear financial activities have been agreed upon to generate money. I personally do not wish to donate any more personal cash to fund the office. The revival of KUWA et al., remains rhetoric yet rent will be needed soon in 2 months’ time. Alternatively, the lokal can be rented later on a demand-basis, instead of running an underutilized and expensive place every month. We are not even talking of the monthly maintenance fees of SEK 50 any more. No clear strategies are in place to recruit more members, even in Stockholm. ODMK-S cannot be run by the committee alone.

 

3. Collaboration with ODM-K: 

I was enthusiastic in the beginning that ODMK-S would be supporting or challenging ODM-K as per the ODMK-S 12 point program. So far nothing of the sort has happened. The trip to Nairobi by the ODMK-S Chairlady yielded nothing other than personal nods. The Secretary’s trip to Nairobi only unearthed our ignorance on how to collaborate with ODM-K. Clearly, they have no time for us and we do not have the registration fees to be their branch. What is the implication? Individuals do not want to face the bitter truth that our initial ‘baby-steps’ towards ODM-K have been cut short, because there is no formal recognition. On the other hand, what about being critical to ODM-K? So far there are no signs from ODMK-S. When I raised my thoughts on Raila’s display of his Hummer vehicle on entering the Parliament recently, only Osewe responded, and this is on email so I will not repeat it. I do not see any critical voices in ODMK-S who can debate on the crooks in ODM-K without reservations. We cannot claim that we are only focused on the party and not the individuals who form it, because they are inseparable.

 

4. Side projects: 

The confusion exhibited when I raised the Korogocho project issue, only left me wondering whether we are certain about the minutes agreed upon and written, during committee meetings. Some people want the Korogocho project in ODMK-S to gain political mileage, while the reality is that this woman and many others are suffering and need help. I recently donated SEK 500 genuinely to help, so I was puzzled that some people want to hang onto others tailcoats, yet they do not enthusiastically donate to this and cannot even narrate the genesis of this project.

                       5. Personal agenda in ODMK-S: 

I will not reiterate the enthusiasm I had when joining ODMK-S. I found it running but I have also now gathered that there are some people in it for personal and selfish reasons. There have been questionable cash transactions done by others without the full awareness of the committee. A good example is the opening of the ODMK (odm-k.org) Web site which was done with a personal agenda. This project was not sanctioned by the committee, yet it is claimed that money from ODMK-S was used to finance it. For whatever reasons, this project has no impact because the last update on this Web site was on March 7th 2007 and the traffic has almost stopped. We donated money for our own Web site and Munala has been responsible for it. By the time I was leaving Stockholm last week, it was NOT yet up and running.

                                                              6. ODMK-S has no impact in Kenyan politics: 

So far, nothing has been done by ODMK-S to impact Kenyan politics. There are individuals within ODMK-S who use the media to vent their minds, but the group as an entity is nowhere near there. Raila met the ODM-K Uganda Chapter enthusiasts the other day, meaning that maybe mainstream ODM-K branches and NOT independents like ODMK-S, are closer to those leaders and share a forum to express their support and criticism (while within). It is probably futile for ODMK-S to fight outside the ‘cow-shed’ in the name of being independent. The recent political “tsunamis” in Kenya have been staged while inside the government and not outside.

 

7. My professional life: 

I have a lot on my plate right now within my professional life, so I will set aside more time for this but remain a member of ODMK-S. I think I will be more objective and speak my mind freely as a member and not a committee member. Thank you all and it was a pleasure working together.

 

Best regards,

 

Jared Odero

29/3/2007

 

Send to APN by Muthoni Kabara

Published by African Press in Norway, apn, africanpress@chello.no tel +47 932 99 739 or +47 6300 2525

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Uganda: Uganda’s history should not be read in tribal terms

Posted by African Press International on May 5, 2007

By Ham Mukasawww.hammukasafoundation.co.ugwww.hgmconsult.com 

A Word Or Two 

This article is dedicated to Capt Otim (UPC) – Obote 2 army officer;  Read the article carefully, than publishing uselesss claims. Remember I write HISTORICAL FACTS AND WELL RESEARCHED – you so called educated Officer, “Challenge me instead of insulting”. Being a topic in your meetings should be seen as some positive, it’s my articles which makes you curious. BUT THESE ARE FACTS and I take it positive that I make an impact your reasoning. Enjoy it and am waiting to see you one day as you claim. Democracy has come to Uganda to stay – a point you should jot on a lap and put  your pockets everyday, especially when you are going to your party meetings. I will try to make this article as simple as possible for you and your comrades in UK, Norway, Denmark, US and to mention but a few Sweden – as a response to your critics and telephone harassments of recent . 

 

Uganda’s history should not be read in tribal terms
When one of Ugandas Ex-President(Obote)Officer walked into my office for the first time sometime ago, my mind was very unclear as to how to receive him. Sensing this, the visitor introduced himself by announcing his name and quickly adding that he was a Budonian (College), perhaps to reassure me.

Since our first meeting, apparently precipitated by an article I wrote about the UPC, the former officer has kindly given me some good reading material out of his collection gathered from the library of Princeton University when he lived in the proximity of the famed institution among which was the article entitled “The Politics of Recognition by Charles Taylor” which I found to be most engrossing. Perhaps encouraged by his reading this article, the Lt.Gen himself has contributed on a very long essay on the history of UPC under the title “The Roots, Emergency, and Growth of the Uganda People’s Congress, 1600– 1985” in which he strives to recreate the birth of UPC in events which happened almost four centuries ago the Lt.Gen contributes and writes, “The politics of Uganda since its independence in 1962 has been intertwined with the fortunes of the Uganda People’s Congress that it is impossible to discuss any aspect of the country without UPC being a major factor”.

With this general statement as a backdrop, the Lt.Gen starts to trace what he calls the psychological unity of UPC (which was not evidenced in the recent elections though) to similar experiences which the various nationalities had with the Baganda first in the pre-colonial tribal wars, then in the use colonialism made of the Baganda and lastly in their rabid chauvinism in the period preceding the formation of UPC in 1960.

This is a brave statement considering that the cohesion of UPC was shattered early on by the conflicts which flared between the factions of Grace Ibingira and John Kakonge which reached their climax at the party’s Gulu conference in 1964. Later on in his essay, The Lt. Gen contradicts himself on the issue of UPC’s cohesion when he alludes to the disillusionment of people like Felix Onama over Obote’s status in the party. On the trade boycott of 1959 the Lt.Gen shows a lack of firsthand information on the subject when he writes that some of the principal concerns of UNM were with the prestige and status of the Kabaka.

In fact it is the Mengo government which was concerned with this issue and on numerous occasions the Buganda government condemned the movement. Earlier the Lukiiko had banned political parties in Buganda on the ground that they were anti-Kabaka and this animosity was extended to UNM. The principal aim of UNM, contrary to what the Lt:Gen writes, was to achieve independence for Uganda and one of its early public rallies under the Tree of Liberty on March 8, 1959 attended by thousands of people and as reported in the Uganda Argus of March 9, 1959, the UNM passed a resolution demanding for negotiations to be opened “for bringing into being a free and independent Uganda instead of having the Wild Committee.

Indeed, the Tree of Liberty was so named because nationalist rallies were always held there to demand for UGANDA’S independence, not BUGANDA’S. Later when the police confiscated from the home of Elidadi.Mulira, one of UNM’s leaders a document outlining his political credo in which he vowed to “beat up neo-traditionalists with clenched fists” after we gained our independence, the Attorney General, Mr. Dreschfield, used its contents in a prosecution that followed as evidence of UNM’s communist links. Mulira was convicted and exiled to Gulu as were other leaders including QCGodfrey Binaisa (Ex-President), I. K. Musaazi and Jolly Joe Kiwanuka who were taken to other centres. This is hardly evidence of the neo-traditionalist outlook Lt.Gen paints of UNM. Again the Lt.Gen falls flat when it comes to the formation of UPC. He quotes D. A. Low’s observation that “UPC whose prime function – the opposition to the pretensions of the Baganda, fitted precisely the anti-Baganda feeling in the rest of the country” a function which was based on a misapprehension of the various strands of Buganda’s politics and its history.

Note: In order to understand this phenomenon one has to first appreciate its five branches comprised in the institution of Kabakaship, the Mengo government, the neo-traditionalists, the political parties and the people themselves. Since 1956 the neo-traditionalists have held sway over the affairs of the kingdom by adroitly labelling whoever did not fall in line with them as anti-Kabaka although all the subjects are loyal to the institution. This group has at times overstated Buganda’s interests to the chagrin of other communities.

UPC, like the Lt.Gen, overlooks the positive amity between Buganda and the other areas throughout the period of colonialism which produced many cosmopolitan people both from Buganda and outside.

The tragedy of Uganda is that independence as Low clearly points out, was not entrusted to such people who did not have small wars to fight. The original political parties embraced people of all communities in their parties (Call it a way to federalism – its your call). In this regard it is almost sacrilegious to talk about Obote’s wing of the UNC as the Lt.Gen does in exclusionary terms of Buganda since it was the original UNC leadership composed mostly of Baganda which first introduced Obote to national leadership. UNC leadership first fragmented in 1957 when a group left to form the United Congress Party under David Lubogo, a Musoga. Later in January 1958, it splintered again between Musaazi and Kiwanuka’s factions over the party’s Cairo office. Kiwanuka, a Muganda invited Obote to be president of his faction in order to provide a counter-weight to Musaazi’s support in the north, a fact disregarded by the new revisionists. In 1959, Kiwanuka wound up his faction which he joined with UNM. It is known that Obote’s hang-on with the name together with Abu Mayanja a Muganda and a Secretary General, a fact which demonstrates the fallacy of reading our history in tribal terms which Lt.Gen does.

When John Kakonge joined UNC in April, 1960 as Organising Secretary, Abu Mayanja issued a statement in which he announced that Kakonge’s main duty would be to develop the party and open more branches in addition to the existing two. This is what the Lt.Gen calls a nationwide movement, “the most significant organisation in the country”.

The UNC after Musaazi and Kiwanuka was not significant at all in terms of national following. 

 All in all we need closer interactions so as to remove misconceptions which have led to our apparent disunity. Museveni has done his part and has introduced democracy, i know you will disagree. Like others, he will at one time leave but this time remembered as the father of Ugandas democracy and not to mention his contribution to a far better economy than all his predecessors. Give the gentleman some credit atleast. That will be a historical fact. Hope you have enjoyed the history lesson – facts. 

A Good Muganda With historical facts.Ham Mukasawww.hammukasafoundation.com

www.hgmconsult.com

Published by African Press in Norway, apn, africanpress@chello.no, tel +47 932 99 739 or +47 6300 2525

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Uganda: Old boys, not religion influenced parties

Posted by African Press International on May 5, 2007

By Ham Mukasawww.hammukasafoundation.comwww.hgmconsult.com 

Although the Bataka Party  does not feature much in the minds of today’s political analysts, it nonetheless held sway over the country’s political horizon from the time of its formation in 1945 until it was banned by the colonial government in April 1949.

The use of the word “party” in the group’s name was, however, a misnomer since the group did not have the structures and machinery normally associated with the modern political party.

At best, the group can be described as a carry-all bag for all manner of political agitations, personal vendettas and outright hatred for the British colonial masters. The group’s most articulate activist was a former seminarian by the name of Ssemakula Mulumba who was sent to London to propagate its causes there.

Locally, the group proved to be most adept at organising well-attended rallies and was ably supported in its causes by numerous individually-owned newspapers which helped spread its message.

However, its extremism and outright hatred proved to be the group’s undoing and the assassination of Martin Luther Nsibirwa, the then Katikkiro of Buganda, as well as other atrocities were generally attributed to the group.

After some uprisings in 1945 in which demands for people to elect their representatives were made, the Buganda Lukiiko passed The Representative of the People to Lower Councils Law under which councillors were to be elected for the first time at county, sub-county and parish levels and later to the Buganda Lukiiko. The right to elect councillors was extended to all local councils in the country in 1949 under the African Local Government Ordinance when more powers were also conferred on them. The political consciousness which was aroused led to the formation of the Uganda National Congress in 1952. I. K. Musazi, the first president of UNC and its founder as well as many of its original members had been closely associated with the political activities of the 40s. Musazi’s Uganda Farmers’ Association was also banned in 1949. This background seems to have defined the political outlook of UNC against which a group of young turks in the party rebelled.

What is unclear to many people though is why political parties which followed assumed such a religious outlook to the point that the claim is made that they were religiously motivated. The answer may be found not in existence of religious bigotry at the time but instead in the pervasive influence of the school old boy network especially involving the two leading Christian schools, namely St. Mary’s College, Kisubi and King’s College Buddo as well as to the junior schools which served as their seedbeds for student recruitment. Between 1952 and 1960 a total of seven political parties were formed and led by people from these schools. However, when UPC was form ed in April 1960, with an ex-Mwiri College president, Apollo Milton Obote, there was a shift in the composition of leadership cadres from such schools to Mwiri and Nabumali schools, two other Christian boarding schools in the east.

Although these developments may not be conclusive in themselves, they provide useful triggers for new thinking about the history of our political parties in that the foundation of our parties was old boy school network and not religion.

This influence of religious boarding schools had permeated all aspects of the country’s life by the time Sir Andrew Cohen, a jew, became governor in 1951. One of the first things Cohen set his sights on was to try to neutralise the polarising influence of our Christian schools by opening up secular boarding schools such as Ntare, Sir Samuel Baker, Nyapea and others.

Those in the know also claim that Cohen also ensured that Ntare would produce a new type of leaders by appointing a friend from his radical student days to be headmaster. The result of Cohen’s policy can be seen in today’s political realities in which the stranglehold on political leadership by graduates of religious boarding schools has been broken. Most of the founders of the NRM went to Ntare or to the religiously liberal Nyakasura school. NB. Including the current President of Rwanda.

This fact would reinforce the suggestion that boarding schools and not religion gave the original political parties their complexion. In other words, the age-old old boy school network determined which party one joined and not his religion. This assumption is reinforced by the apparent paradox that the first secretary general of the Progressive Party which was formed by Buddonians, was Leonard Basudde and was succeeded by Lawrence Kalule Ssettaala, both catholics. Basudde received his secondary school education in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) before going to Makerere while Kalule Ssettaala went to Namiryango College which meant that the two were not within the Kisubi old boys school network whose members formed DP. Ben Kiwanuka tried to neutralise the religious complexion of DP when he became its president general. Under Kiwanuka the secretary general of DP was Balamu Mukasa while the treasurer was Stanley Bemba and Ssenteza Kajubi was special adviser.

The three were old Buddonians and protestants while Kiwanuka himself a catholic, did not go to Kisubi. The inference here is that Kiwanuka was free of the restrictive old boy school network tradition. When Kajubi joined DP in 1959 he publicly declared that he wanted to prove that DP was not a religious party. Critics of the original parties often fail to differentiate between a party formed with a religious agenda and a party which draws its support predominantly from a particular religion. A party with a religious agenda is bound to be intolerant and exclusionist and a danger to the public well-being. However, there is nothing wrong with a political party which draws its support principally from a particular religion.

Interest groups which include religious bodies are the building blocks of political parties the world over and Uganda should not be an exception. Unfortunately, unlike the case in developed countries, parties in Uganda have always suffered from lack of an ideological point of reference which can outlast its individual leaders and which are not based on transient policies .

In Britain, for example, the Conservative Party, emphasises the value of tradition and a preference for individually driven growth believing that if it is not necessary to change it it is necessary not to change. 

A Good Muganda With Historical FactsHam Mukasawww.hammukasafoundation.com

www.hgmconsult.com

Published by African Press in Norway, apn, africanpress@chello.no

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