A primary school with big dreams - To change third world economy!

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no

 

<Story by Harrison Mwirigi Ikunda, Nairobi - Kenya

 

MURUNGURUNE PRIMARY SCHOOL may not feature anywhere among the famous schools in Kenya nor even around the central part of Kenya where it is located. For its location it is in the East of Mt Kenya on the slopes of the said mountain which is reputed to be the highest in Kenya and with the surprise phenomenon of having snow yet situated along the equator.

 

<Left photo (School building)

 

The school is interior and almost in the forest but in an area famous for quality tea production, quite difficult to access via roads  but in an area with wet, cool, rainy and sunny climate which resembles most parts of  America and  Europe.  

 

Till a bit recently the area was almost completely shut out of the rest of the country and the world due to extremely bad roads, poor or no telephone connectivity and almost no electricity. However recent developments have seen the area a bit accessible (though roads are still poor), telecommunications have improved as well improvements in electrification.

 

Despite the area having heavy production of tea it is still poor. Poor world tea prices coupled with global tea glut, rising fuel costs, other overhead costs, challenges in marketing, unlimited bureaucracies have made tea farmers generally poor. Already Kenya has lost its biggest tea market Pakistan, to her main rival Sri Lanka dimming hopes for better tea prices which would have had a probable effect to returns to poor Kenyan farmers.

 

School building. (right photo)>

Murungurune being a tea zone has had her good as well bad times. The weather and the environment look good, but the residents of the area have had rapidly changing fortunes at various times. Incidentally the area residents rely so much on tea for their livelihood for the weather is not suitable for food crops farming save for few horticultural crops which can thrive on such cold climate. But even with horticulture the area inaccessibility, economies of scale plus the unpredictable prices have locked the area to solely rely on tea farming and unreliable dairy farming which has over the years not been spared the hardships of co-operative movement mis-management and poor government policies then.

 

That is just the beginning of the problems. Over the years particularly in the 1960’s and1970’s tea was not a lucrative crop. During this period many could not access schooling for lack of fees. In the 1980’s when the fortunes of tea changed for the better many young people especially boy’s preferred tea farming more than schooling as it was then relatively lucrative. But with the tea fortunes declining starting in the late 1990’s the people have been caught in a great economic quagmire. The problems have been compounded by the usual low regard to girl’s education. In a nutshell many of the school going girls have not accessed education as they should do. They are usually married at relatively young age to tea farming young men. With tea in deep trouble the area can only explode due to poverty!

 

<Murungurune students and teachers.This clearly came to the fore when the writer of this article (Harrison Mwirigi Ikunda) visited the area accompanied by the Executive Director of a Portuguese local based NGO called ADDHU CYCA Mr. Armstrong Brian Ongera Jr on a fact finding and research mission which luckily coincided with a prize giving day at Murungurune Primary school on April 18^th 2008. What was learnt was both encouraging but it was about a community struggling to come to terms with the globalized economy on which the community was greatly disadvantaged.

 

<A group of Murungurune students and teachers.  It was clear that third world countries have a lot to do if they have to survive globalization. It was clear that unless they adapt to modern ways of economic empowerment and dynamism they are doomed and that the gap between the poor and the rich of the world will continue widening. It was apparently clear that Murungurune and Nairobi is world apart in economic, technological and on social realms. Yet still comparing Murungurune with Manhattan in New York of USA makes it more scaring and one would shudder to imagine whether the two are in the same world. Clearly the students of Murungurune primary school and those in up market Nairobi primary school are digital worlds apart. Those in Nairobi’s good schools can easily be like the ones in New York, but for Murungurune it is not imaginable.

 

Out of this an idea for an ICT (Information Computer Technology) village was born. In Murungurune market (township) there is good electricity connectivity. There is vast usage of mobile cell phones by the local population living in the area. Several buildings are incidentally (albeit slowly) coming up in this remote village which is reputed to produce the best tea in the world. Like India’s cities and village towns this town can provide Business Processes Outsourcing services (BPO’s) for American, European and Asian firms as well as others in big cities in Nairobi, Mombasa and so on. Already Kenyans are reputed to have good English accent compared to most of the other global English speakers in the world. Similarly Kenyans including young people in Murungurune (despite the enormous challenges) have attained quite reasonable education.

 

This idea   had to be conceived against a backdrop of the wide society frame work and thus a pilot project had to be created to change the society thinking, give the children hope and provide the parents of an increasingly resourceful but globalization impoverished village a hope. An idea to computerize the school was conceived and the Writer and the Executive Director proposed to donate some computers to ensure the students learn computers at an early age. In addition two more guests decided to donate more computers. To encourage girls education ADDHU CYCA Kenyan Executive Director proposed to donate sanitary towels for one full year.  This was to tame unnecessary (but still massive) girls school drop outs and unwanted and unwarranted early age child pregnancies.

 

The next phase was to source for more support widely. There are good prospects from within and outside the country who are showing interest. This pilot project should not and will not fail. The next phase will be to provide adequate computerization plus internet connection to enable the student know more about  global opportunities and how to exploit them and  the challenges therein, plus learn about environmental degradation and conservation. With this sorted other schools in the area and country wide will follow suit and will be supported.

 

This phase will cascade to community ICT training a Murungurune town free of charge or at least at highly subsidized costs, internet connections and then to explore global trade. Already Kenya is reputed to have unlimited potential for BPO’s especially in providing back office services plus Customer services among others. For instance a customer calling to New York, Washington DC, London, Sydney or Wellington bank could easily be served with the call re-routed to Murungurune call centre yet the service will be efficient and interactive courtesy of ICT connectivity and enablement. This is a way to help the third world share in the wide opportunities offered by globalization and sort out third world poverty and wars.

 

It is possible and there is determination to sort out the challenges of global poverty and ensure continuous wealth creation and opportunities. Murungurune Primary school project is an eye opener. It has been nicknamed Murungurune ‘Silicon Valley’. There lies an opportunity to ensure peace in the world and initiatives like this in Murungurune while replicated elsewhere can do much. It is to be remembered that 2006 Nobel Peace prize winner Professor Yunnus and the bank he founded Grameen bank of Bangladesh started on a simple idea. That idea has been replicated elsewhere in the globe including in Kenya with enormous success. Fighting global poverty is making the world peaceful!

 

Herebelow: Pictures on Sanitary towels being received by teachers and students of Murungurune primary school.

 

 

 

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African Press International - API

Why the Kalenjin MPs ditched Raila Odinga during his home coming parties in Kisumu and Bondo

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no

<Story filed by Leo Odera Omolo, Kisumu 

 

Plans are a foot for the launching of a new, but exclusively a Kalenjin political party.

 

According to insiders, the Kalenjin are in the process of ditching the ODM a party that won close to 31  in last December General elections.

 

Disenchanted and disgruntled Kalenjin MPS, especially those from the South Rift part of the expansive Rift Valley Province, have in the recent past holding behind the scene series of meeting while charting for the way forward for their community.

 

Insiders says, it is only a matter of time before the new mass political movement is launched. These series of meeting have been held ,mostly in Kericho. In March, the retired President Daniel Arap Moi called a meeting of Kalenjin professionals and  political luminaries from all over the region, and among issues discussed were the possibility of founding another party  that would end the ODM influence in the region.

 

Information reaching us, says that top leaders in on the Rift Valley have zeroed in on two parties, namely KANU and the United Democratic Movement {UDM} with either of which as the likely chosen popular vehicle to rally the community into and be used for power bargaining instrument in the formation of any future coalition government.

 

The signs that all is not well within the ODM, and that the Kalenjins were about to divorce the party could be read in the non-appearance of Kalenjin MPS, particularly those from the Kpsigis   region at Mr. Odinga’s homecoming ceremonies held in both Kisumu  City and Bondo at the weekend. Only two cabinet Ministers were poresewnt. The were Henry Kosgei {Tinderet} and Willaim Ruto

[Eldoret North}

 

Several secret meetings have been going on between the legislators and other political luminaries,.civic leaders, elders, and professionals. One such meeting was held at the Tea Research Institute of Kenya, which is located about 12 kilometres east of Kericho town and another such meeting took place inside an exclusive members only club in the town.

 

Taking active part in such deliberation were MPS ISAACK Ruto {Chepalungu}, Franklin Bett{Buret}, Dr. Julius Kones{Konoin}, Lang’at Magerer {Kipkellion}, Zakayo K Cheruiyot {Kuresoi}. Notable absentees were Kipkalya Kones{Bomet}, Lorna Laboso{Sotik}aqnd Charles Keter{Belgut}. The latter three were recently appointed to the cabinet in the bloated grand coalition government and had good reasons to stays away from the series of meeting organized by protesting MPS.

 

These series of secret meetings  are said to be part of the concerted efforts to hammer out a consensus on which party direction to take.

 

According to an impeccable source, the build up towards the search for a new party to be the home of the Kalenjin community has been more forceful in the South Rift region where such consultative meetings were held within a span of less than two weeks.

 

As the discontent heightened, the former Baringo Central KANU MP Gideon Moi brought together former MPS  and a dozen of an unsuccessful parliamentary aspirants in various parts of the Province to a secret hideout in Kericho to chart for the way forward on how to revive KANU.

 

In Mr. Moi’s team were former nominated MP Mzee Ezekiel Bargetuny, former Mosop MP John Sambu, former MT Elgon MP MR. John Kimkung..Mr Moi, according to sources has been shuttling in the full length and width of the expansive Rift Valley Province to drum up support for the revival of the  48 year old KANU, a party that ushered in the political independence in 1963 and thereafter ruled the country for close to 42 years.

 

Gideon, the favorite son of the self-professed Professor of politics, the retired President Daniel Arap Moi, is said to be out to cash on the ODM bad show after the formation of the grand coalition and further buoyed by popular talks of a new political party to cater for the interests of the community. He has been making new approach and forays to win back the lost grounds in both Kipsigis and the Maasai communities.

 

The Kipsigis community in particular blames Raila Odinga, the Prime Minister for having sidelined them, when he negotiated for the coalition cabinet with President Kibakoi. Members of the community are wondering why the neighbouring Abagusii community which gave the ODN less than 300 votes can have four permanent Secretaries, while the Kipsigis which coffed close to one million votes ended up with only one PS, in the name of Mrs Jane Kirui. The Kisii also got away with two full cabinet ministerial dockets, in the name of Prof. Sam K.Ongeri{Education}and Chris M. Obure{Works}.These leaders are also  questioning the rationale in which the Abaluhyia community of Western Province, which gave the ODM less than 600,000 votes got away with more cabinet appointment.

 

Te UDM which boast one MP  Prof. Hellen J. Sambili could be the next stop. The latter is the Minister for Sports and MP for Mogotio in Koibatek district.

 

But there has emerged some kind of valid argument that both Gideon Moi of KANU and the team, which is led by Franklin Bett and Isaack Ruto should bring their forces together, and perhaps lure one senior Klaenjin politicians like the powerman Nicholas K., Biwott on board of one roof in party that could succeed in  bringing the disjointed Kalenjinb community politically together.

 

Biwott, the majority feel has the clout and support to united the Kalenjin once again in the same manner and way the retired President Moi had done for many years. It was reported had a soft heart for both President Kibaki and Priime Minister raila Odinga, and that during the recent tour of the North Rift on the peace mission to reconcile the communities there as well as to pave the way for resettlement of the IDP, Biwott took a seat in the VIP podium and got a VIP treatment and was engaged in discussion with both men.

 

Under heavy pressure to explain why he had sidelined the Kipsigis, and a community whiuch voted on a man to man and gave the ODM nine MPs, Raila odinga said in speeches at Chebilat along the Borabu Sotik borders and in Kipkellion in the presence of both Kibaki and Kalonzo that he had given the community two full cabinet positions in the name of William Ruto {Agriculture} and Kipkalya Kones{Roads}, saying that he was very much aware that Ruto ids a Kipsigis who was born in Belgut, but moved  and settled in Eldoret in the same way, he Raila was born in Bondo, but represented Lang;ata constituency in Nairobi.. Ruto who was present, however, did not touch anything to do with his origins, perhaps fearing that would be a hot potato f to handle for his future bpolitics in the North Rift.

 

Another source of discontent is the hasty manner in which the government has handled the return of the IDP refugees to their homes. The MPs from the South Rift had said they needed time to dialogue with their constituents so that they could  achieve genuine reconciliation. They had argued that the ground was still volatile and ripe with suspicion among the returnees and their neighbours.

 

Another thorny issue is the resettlement of the squattars in the Mau Forest, which has earned the wrath of the Maasai veteran politician Wiliam Ole Ntimama, {Narok North} ODM who did not minced his word, saying hat the Mau Forest must be concerved at all costs because it is the water catchment area.

 

A number of Kipsigis elders in Kericho were heard saying that the community had revoked the name of Arap Mibei, which they had given to Raila Odinga when they made him an elder of the community. These elders were arguing that for many years, and even during the reign of Mr. Moi, the community had voted for the successive government s

, but got nothing in return. The community has always been marginalized, and even its prime rich agricultural land which is currently occupied by the multinational tea companies has remained a touchy issue which need to be resolved.

 

The elders said they voted whole heartedly for Raila Odinga hoping that he would be the redeemer, but the prime Minister had ignored them despite of having given him properly educated and youthful lots of MPS..

 

.Ends

Leooderaomolo@yahoo.com  

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API

Kenya: Resettlement of IDPs in Molo is not smooth - the locals complain of lack of consultation

Publisher; Korir, africanpress@getmail.no

 

<Story filed b Leo Odera Omolo, Kuresoi  

THE much touted resettlement of internally displaced people{IDP} Iin their original homes in some parts of the Rift Valley Province may prove difficult to the government.

 

In Mau Forest, the Maasai leaders in Narok have vowed not to allow any more refugees to settle in the water catchment area under all the circumstances..

 

The resettlement programme launched in earnest last week by the government has hit the rock with the Maasai MPS vowing not to allow any illegal squarters to resettle again in the Mau Forest. Led by the veteran Maasai politician and cabinet Minister William Ole Ntimama, who seemed to be enjoying the backing of leaders from the South Rift, which included the Kipsigis region.

 

Although all agreed that the IDP should be resettled back to their deserted homes, the leaders felt the government was rushing too fast with the resettlement issue. The government should have given the local leaders sufficient time to conduct dialogue with the warring communities before forcing the refugee backs to their homes under armed escort.

 

But as predicted, there was a fresh flare up at Kamwaura farm in Kuresoi, which resulted in 23 youth losing his right eye sight. A gang of well drilled youths, acting like militia struck at Kamwaura shopping centre and beat up everybody on sight. One youth Newton Irungu, 23 ended up with an arrow head lodged on his left eye. He was rushed to the nearby Molo distroict Hospital, where doctors recommended that he be transferred to Kenya National Hospital for specialized treatment. Several other people sustained panga cuts injuries.

 

Tension remained high in most part of Molo district where the IDP were ferried to last week in military vehicles. Inter-communal suspicion is high, and the government should have taken time before brushing the IDP back to their homes. It should have consulted with the local leaders, MPS,  civic leaders, clergymen.

 

The resettlement, however is going on very smoothly in the Kipkellion constituency of Kericho district. But the IDP  refugees who had abandoned their homes in Kipkellion and lkeft for their homes in Kisii region have yet to come back. It may be difficult for these categories of IDP people to return to Kipsigis land due to the fact that hatred between the two communities is well rooted. 

 

Mr Irungu who is the victim of a fresh skirmishes said from his Hospital bed that when they arrived back to their homes  near Kamwaura in Kuresoi, they were greeted by a gang of youths singing war cries, who warned them of dire consequences should they chose to stay on.

 

The following morning they went to the shopping centre to have their tea, when the group invaded the centre and beat up people senselessly. “we could not run and they settled on us with rungus, matchetes, arrows and simis.”

 

In some parts of the region, especially in the Burnt Forest areas, some IDP have set conditions demanding that the government look for a suitable land elsewhere and settled them. Others have demanded that they be compensated first before they move out of their temporary camps due to the heavy losses they had incurred during the skirmishes.

 

MPs from the region have made it clear that the IDP and the indigenant people need to be sufficiently reconciled it is wrong to force someone back to go and live in a home where his or her neighbour is still nursing a grudge,”

 

In what could complicate the schism between the Maasai and the Kikuyu communities, Ntimama, the most vocal defender of the Maasai rights recently brought together the MPS from the region and made it clear that they would not allow any new settlement in the Mau Forest, which is part of the Narok district.

 

Apparently this is completely contrary to the recent decision by the Kipsigis MPS to have the Mau allocations validated  as a conditions for the IDP resettlement. But the Kipsigis leaders have also voiced their concern at the speed with which the government was moving in total disregard of the need for reconciling the communities to remove all elements of suspicion among them.

 

The mpost outspoken Kipsigis leaders include Buret MP Frankling Bett, Chepalungu MP Isaack Ruto, Konoin MP Dr.Julius Kones and Kipkelion MP Magerer Lang’at.

 The legislators felt that reconciliation work should take the centre stage and thereafter to be followed by resettlement. These people must be lectured sufficiently on the importance of living in harmony with each other and working together.”The situation calls for more of a Pro works, “they said.

 

The Maasai leaders have not hidden their unease with the settler communities in matter of political supremacy and have always ensured that all the legislative seats in the area remained their preserve, a myth that was put to test in the last general elections in which the Kipsigis voters gave the former Minister for Immigration Mr. Konchellah a run for hid money.

 

In EldRoret area, many IDP have voluntarily returned to their farms, but other have become hard-core setting up stringent pre-conditions to the government such as a demand for compensation or for land to be secured outside But the moderate members of Parliament from the Kalenjin region wanted the IDP  to be assisted asnd helped back to their homes without any conditions.

 

ENDS

Leooderaomolo@yahoo.com..

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API

Surprising transsexual aid

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no source.aftenposteneng

Christian Democrat Party leader Dagfinn Høybråten continues to watch out for transsexual rights. PHOTO: FOTO: MORTEN HOLM/SCANPIX

Norway’s Christian Democrat Party continues their support for transsexuals, in contrast to the conservative image of party leader Dagfinn Høybråten.

 

Norwegian health authorities have decided to drop financial support for the National organization for the diagnosis transsexualism (LFTS) which the group says is essential.After a meeting with representatives for the transsexuals on Tuesday, Høybråten has sent a letter to Health Minister Sylvia Brustad asking that she restore LFTS support to current levels.

“The organization does an important job for equality both for transsexuals and their families - children and parents. This is a small but extremely vulnerable group,” Høybråten told newspaper VG.

The LFTS first made four written appeals to the Health and Care Ministry without getting a reply from Brustad, and now hope that the Christian Democrats can make an impact. The Ministry has yet to issue an explanation of why they wish to cut the group’s funding.

When Høybråten was Minister of Health in a previous government he halted plans to scrap a national treatment group for the treatment of transsexuals, and secured the LFTS funding through increased aid for mental health.

“We hope Høybråten can help again,” said LFTS leader Tone Maria Hansen, who said that they could not maintain their office and activities without financial support.

The LFTS has 120 members.

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API

Confesses to killing daughter

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no source.aftenposteneng

Lawyer Johan Tønnes Løchstøer meets the press.

PHOTO: Per Annar HolmThe 29-year-old man arrested in Telemark County on Wednesday accused of killing his five-year-old daughter has confessed to causing her death.

Related stories:

Father charged with homicide - 07.05.2008

The man’s lawyer made the announcement to the press on Thursday after the remand hearing. The accused was remanded in custody for four weeks, but denied legal guilt.

Defense lawyer Johan Tønnes Løchstøer told Aftenposten.no that his client was relieved after telling the court that he had caused his daughter’s death.

Løchstøer said he was concerned for his client’s health and had asked police to ensure his safety. The remand hearing had been held in closed chambers at the request of police lawyer Jon Borgen.

The 29-year-old had refused to make a statement if the press was present. Løchstøer also argued that the proceedings be private out of consideration to the mother of the dead child.

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API

Corruption investigation for Norconsult

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no source.aftenposteneng

First published: 16 May 2007

The World Bank is investigating Norwegian consultancy Norconsult on suspicion of corruption in connection with an aid project in Tanzania.

Norconsult chief John Nyheim confirmed that he notified special economic crime division Økokrim about the situation on Tuesday.

According to financial daily Dagens Næringsliv, USD 146,500 (about NOK 900,000) has disappeared from a Tanzanian project account belonging to Norconsult.

Norconsult is taking part in a development project to improved the water supply to 2.5 million inhabitants of Tanzania’s financial capital Dar es Salaam, in cooperation with two smaller companies from the Netherlands and Tanzania.

The project is financed by the World Bank. Last September bank representatives appeared at the project office in Dar es Salaam due to suspicions that the money’s disappearance was linked to corruption.

The World Bank also sent people to Norconsult’s head office in Sandvika outside of Oslo but found nothing. According to Dagens Næringsliv, this was because relevant documents had been shredded.

Norconsult board chairman Per Kristian Jacobsen told DN that certain employees had seen something that is likely corruption, without reporting it via official channels.

Neither Økokrim nor the World Bank would comment on the matter.

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API

Kabuga ready to talk: API would like to remind its readers that any person charged by any authority is presumed innocent until proven guilty.

Publisher: Korir, africanpress@getmail.no source.wikipedia.trialwatch

After speaking to Mr Kabuga and his representative, API is of the opinion that the run-away businessman means business. He is tired and ready to talk, but not willing to surrender in a manner that will enable his capturers to torture him before he tells his story. He does not doubt that if allowed to surrender repectfully, his actions and that of the government will foster peace and reconciliation. However, he says if the government does not extend an olive branch to him, he will have no choice but continue living his life the way he does, although he admits it is very stressing psychologically, having to watch over his shoulders at all times.

The best time for him in Europe is during the winter time, because of teh way people dress. The climate forces people to dress heavy and cover almost all the parts of the body because of the winter cold. That is when he can move freely. Other seasons makes life for him difficult. It would look strange if he was walking around covered all over. “That will create suspiscion”, he says adding “I am inndoors most of the time watching television.” - API

Kabuga sets conditions to be met for his surrender. Wants to be given the same opportunity given to Joseph Kony (right photo) and his Lord’s Resistance Army.

Félicien Kabuga

Judgement place : ICTR (Rwanda

On the run: Sought - Arrest warrant

Particulars : On the run

Position : Businessman, President of the Radio Station Milles Collines (RTLM)’s Ruling Committee («Comité d’initiative de la Radio Télévision Libre des Milles Collines - RTLM») and President of the National Defence Fund

Félicien Kabuga was born in 1935 in Muniga, in the commune of Mukarange, prefecture of Byumba, Rwanda. Called « the financier of the genocide », he was an extremely rich businessman who was closely allied to the family of President Habyarimana. He took part in the creation of the National Defence Fund’s Acting Committee («Comité Provisoire du Fonds de Défense Nationale - FDN») of which he became President, as well as becoming president of the RTLM’s Ruling Committee.

He was also the main financial contributor to and silent partner of the National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development («Mouvement républicain national pour la démocratie et le développement - MRND», the presidential party), of the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic («CDR»), an extremist Hutu party inside the MRND (openly and fiercely opposed to the Tutsis) and of their militias. In this capacity, he wielded considerable influence on these organizations and exercised authority over their members, including the Interahamwe (an extremist Hutu militia).

From the end of 1990 to July 1994, Kabuga was said to have played a role in the preparation of a plan aimed at the extermination of the Tutsis. Amongst other elements, this plan in particular, encouraged hatred and ethnic violence against the Tutsis, trained and armed the militia , and drafted lists of people to be murdered. Félicien Kabuga was said to have organized, ordered and participated in mass murders in the implementation of this plan.

From April to July 1994, as a direct consequence of their officially held positions, pronouncements made and orders they issued, the members of the Interim Government and Kabuga exercised control over the local authorities and the Interahamwe (extremist Hutu militia). As from April 6,1994, these authorities and militia, together with the army, ordered and participated in mass murders against Tutsis and moderate Hutus throughout Rwanda. Kabuga was aware of these massacres but did not use his authority to intervene and put a stop to them.

The use of communication channels such as the newspaper Kangura and the RTLM created and directed by Kabuga, and others, helped to indoctrinate the Rwandan people with an extremist Hutu ideology based on hatred and ethnic violence. During a meeting organized to collect funds for the RTLM, Kabuga declared that RTLM should become the official radio of «Hutu Power». In November 1993 and February 1994, he was convened by the Information Ministry who urged him to stop the distribution of messages aiming at inciting inter-racial hatred but Kabuga is said to have held to his position concerning the programs broadcast by the RTLM.

Before and during the Rwandan genocide, Kabuga, and others, are said to have participated in the provision of weapons to the militia and certain well chosen members of the civilian population with the aim of exterminating the Tutsi people and eliminating their accomplices.

From 1992, Kabuga – through his company ETS - was reported to have bought massive stocks of machetes, hoes and other farm tools, in the belief that they would be used as weapons during the massacres. In addition, Kabuga was said to have provided logistical assistance to the Interahamwe by supplying weapons and uniforms and by providing transport in his company owned vehicles.

In March 1994, in relation to the above, Kabuga was reported to have imported 50′000 machetes from Kenya.

UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda) was created in order to establish in a peaceful manner, the institutions provided for by the Arusha Agreements. This military force however was perceived to be an obstacle by certain members of the extremist political classes. Thus, leaders from these groups adopted a strategy of provocation aimed at the Belgian military who were the UNAMIR’s most efficient and well equipped contingent, with the aim being to force them to withdraw. With this in mind, a campaign of anti-Belgian propaganda was put in place, through the media such as RTLM, created and directed by Kabuga, and the newspaper Kangura .

On 25 April 1994, in the prefecture of Gisenyi, Kabuga, and others, are reported to have reached an agreement to create the National Defence Fund in order to provide assistance to the Interim Government to help fight against the Tutsis and moderate Hutus. This fund was created in order to buy weapons, vehicles and uniforms for the Interahamwe and the army throughout the country. Kabuga was appointed as President of the National Defence Fund’s Acting Committee and had signatory power over the fund’s bank accounts. On 20 May 1994, Kabuga was reported to have informed the Interim Government about the existence of this fund and to have counseled the government on how to manage and to use it.

In June 1994, Kabuga and others were said to have held a meeting in Gisenyi. During this meeting, members from MRND were reported to have made a list of Tutsis and moderate Hutus who had come from other prefectures to seek refuge in Gisenyi. From this they are reported to have drafted a list of persons to be eliminated which was subsequently given to the Interahamwe.

In June 1994, confronted with the advance of the troops of the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front,- an opposition movement composed essentially of Tutsi refugees and led by Paul Kagamé), Kabuga fled Rwanda He first reached Switzerland but on receiving an order to leave this country, he then went to Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of Congo. After this, he was said to have taken residence in Nairobi, Kenya. As of today’s date he has still not been arrested and has been successful in avoiding all attempts to arrest him.

Kabuga fled Rwanda in 1994. As of today’s date, he has resisted all attempts at arrest.

On 22 July 1994, Kabuga sought asylum in Switzerland on a valid visa. He was deported on 18 August 1994 and was able to fly to Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of Congo before Rwandan Associations in Switzerland could lodge a complaint against him. The Swiss Confederation assumed the cost of departure for Kabuga, his wife and seven children for a total amount of 21′302 Swiss Francs. In addition, before taking off, it appears that he was ably to go freely to the UBS bank subsidiary at Genève-Cointrin airport to withdraw money.

With the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in 1995, Kabuga quickly became one of the principal targets of the investigators of the Tribunal. On 18 July 1997, he escaped the «Naki» operation in Kenya after being spotted in a villa in the residential district of Karen in Nairobi. A Kenyan police officer is said to have given Kabuga fair warning to allow him to escape. According to ICTR investigators, Kabuga was reported to be protected by Kenyan president Daniel Arap Moi. In April 1998, according to the ICG (International Crisis Group), Kabuga was said to have been localized in a house owned by the nephew of President Moi and annexed to that of the President’s son. According to a 1999 report of the United Nations Commission of Enquiry into arms purchases by the former militia of the Rwandan government, Kabuga was reported to have been seen in South-East Asia in September 1998. Finally, in 2000, he was said to have transited through Belgium, where his wife is living.

On 11 June 2002, the United States launched a large information media-campaign in Kenya aimed at capturing Kabuga. The «Rewards for Justice» American federal program was used to track down those accused by the International Criminal Tribunal for ex-Yugoslavia, but this was the first time it was used against those accused by the ICTR. A reward up to US $ 5′000′000 was offered for any information leading to the capture of Kabuga.

In December 2002, the United States accused the former Permanent Secretary for Kenyan National Security, Zakayo Cheruiyot, of having given sanctuary to Kabuga and of using governmental infrastructures to prevent him from being arrested The Kenyan authorities opened up an investigation into this affair.

In January 2003, Kabuga was able to avoid an attempted arrest led by both the Kenyan police and the FBI in Nairobi. On 17 January 2003, the police informer with the task of entrapping Kabuga, William Munuhe, was found dead.

On 28 August 2003, the United Nations Security Council urged all the States, Kenya in particular, to intensify their cooperation to find Kabuga and to bring him to justice (resolution 1503).

Furthermore , the ICTR Prosecutor arranged to have Kabuga’s financial assets confiscated and to block access to his bank accounts in France, Switzerland and Belgium.

Kabuga was indicted by the ICTR in August 1998 and an international arrest warrant was issued in August 1999.

According to the act of indictment dated 21 November 2001, Kabuga is charged on 11 counts. He is accused of «genocide», «conspiracy to commit genocide», «complicity in genocide», and «direct and public incitation to commit genocide». Also, he is accused of «assassination as a crime against humanity», «extermination as a crime against humanity», «rape as a crime against humanity», «persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds as crimes against humanity» in addition to various war crimes

Kabuga was initially indicted together with 6 other persons. On 1st September 2003, based on the fact that he had still not been arrested, the Third Trial Chamber of the ICTR – on request of the prosecutor – ordered the separation of the proceedings undertaken against Kabuga from those of the proceedings entitled «Government 1».

Related stories:

• Rwandese businessman hunted by ICTR requests API to deliver a massage to Rwandese Government. “I am ready to negotiate for a supervised surrender on agreeable terms”, says Kabuga
• The freezing of assets by a Kenyan judge causes Felicen Kabuga to ask for talks with Rwandese government.
• Will Kabuga fight for his wealth?
• Kabuga met with the Sudanese in Oslo on the 6th of May.
• Rwandan government lauds Kenya for freezing of genocide fugitive’s assets
• Sudan Donor Conference in Norway on 5-7 May: Rwandese Fugitive Felicen Kabuga got a private audience with two Sudanese delegates
• Kabuga arrived in Norway on the 23rd of March this year after crossing the Swedish/Norway border in Svinesund by car.

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